Wednesday, November 28, 2007

The Return of the Monks

This is the third jot (see Part I and II) concerning my talk with four monks who escaped Burma in mid-November.

These jots are the first and only English language accounts of their heroic ordeal.


U Sandawara told me he stayed at the poor village monastery for about a month.

He then made his way to Mawaddy, a Burmese town on the border, where he met up with his buddies from the monastery in Rangoon. Together they found their way to a safe house in Thailand. U Sandawara said:
We faced a lot of troubles, and saw great suffering; and then we became confused about what to do after the crackdown. Fortunately we reached the border areas where we were able to make contact with some people. And we got ideas. And plans for future movements.
At this point in our conversation, U Sandawara made this solemn declaration:
We will return to Burma. We will share our convictions and and experiences. We will consult with experienced and knowledgeable monks. We will execute the plan to remove the military system in Burma.

First, we will organize. Not only the monks -- but the ordinary people of Burma. The time has come when even rural townsfolk are ready and willing to participate any next moves against the military regime.

Second, we will organize those monks and folks who did not join in the protests before. Before the protests didn't reach remote places. So now monks are spreading out. We will make the next protest twenty times bigger than the last one. Which means it will be a general protest, a general strike across Burma. It will involve the whole country; all the different regions.

It will be different next time.

"Everyone in this town knows (Jotman)"

This weekend I had a brief chat with Zaw Nyein Latt, who chairs the Burma Political Prisoner's Union. I had not seen ZNL since I interview him (See Parts I and II) .

The first thing Zaw asked me was: "Do you know someone who won an award?"

I jotted six letters on a page in my notebook, and pushed it across the table.

"Of course I know the name," Zaw said in a matter-of-fact tone. "Everyone in this town knows him," he added.

This was news to me.

Zaw said the VOA interview had been much-talked-about.

Monday, November 26, 2007

A more prominent logo will not rescue this brand.

I was amused to see this article on the front page of today's Bangkok Post:
Surin: Asean needs an identity

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations must get serious about creating its own brand and building a common identity to ensure a sound future for the grouping, says incoming Asean secretary-general Surin Pitsuwan. . .

"We have not seen much of the Asean fingerprint, the Asean logo. From now on we have to do a lot more," he said. . .

"People don't feel the concrete benefits from Asean . . . "
This report illustrates something that's very wrong with our world today; it points to a disease that infects so many organizations from Wall Street to Jakarta. Simply put, it's the widespread conviction that clever management can compensate for an absence of moral leadership.

Let there be no mistake: Asean's core values -- the basis for its identity and "brand" -- have already been determined. These were set forth by the heads of the organization's member countries when they met in Singapore. On the historic document which they signed in November, the stain of the Myanmar delegate's signature is indelible. With the stroke of a pen, the premier of Myanmar "branded" the organization.

A more prominent logo will not rescue this brand.

Photos:
Top photo from the
Myanmar Times. "A Vietnamese girl in traditional dress offers flowers to (Myanmar) Foreign Minister U Win Aung as he arrives at the annual retreat of ASEAN . . ." Bottom photo is from Al Jazeera. It depicts Singapore's PM Lee (right) with Myanmar premier Thein Sein. All other photos depicting Thein Sein at the recent Singapore meeting -- which I managed to locate by way of Google -- had been removed.

Can Burma's military be won over?

I spoke with pro-democracy strategist Zaw Nyein Latt, chairman of the Burma Political Prisoner's Union, who says winning over military figures is an integral part of the plan to bring democracy to Burma.
Continued from this jot about my interview with ZNL. . .

ZNL: There are so many steps remaining before (we should pursue) dialogue. Before making dialogue between SLOC (the Burmese junta) and Aung San Suu Kyi. There should be some steps to prepare for the discussions. So many steps remain.

JOTMAN: You want to impose a time table. You want various steps taken. But what if the Burmese regime says no, no, no. . . no we won’t meet your deadline, no we don’t release your prisoners, then what?

ZNL: Yes. Yes, we have a plan to continue our activities. If the government refuses our ideas and sincere suggestions to them – if they refused – there are so many ways --

JOTMAN: Like what? What are you going to do?

ZNL: We are discussing within our organizations -- discussing with each other -- our plan to continue if the government refuses our suggestions. . . (There will be) new demonstrations in Burma. And we will organize the soldiers. We will organize the army leaders. Some junior leaders --such as lieutenant colonel and so on -- we will pursue them to join with us.

JOTMAN:
Is that something you are working on now?

ZNL:
Yeah, now. Right now.



JOTMAN: Are there contacts being made with the Burmese military now?

ZNL:
Yeah, right now. This time is very early to say much about it. But we have already contacted with senior and junior officers in the army. Some of them are my friends. We schooled at the same school. We attended at the same classes when we were young. Now they are generals in the army. But they don’t dare to openly --

You know the Burmese army is very strict. There are so many military intelligence inside every unit. So they don’t dare . . .

When we announce that negotiation is needed for the country, the government should meet with Aung San Suu Kyi, there may be two groups within the army.

Some military leaders want to negotiate with Aung San Suu Kyi, and some do not. There may be some confrontation within the army, you know. If we put one idea into the same group – they may be divided into 2, or 3, or 4 pieces. One piece will join us. And they (will) ask their own general to do like this, not to do like that, and so on.

There are three military groups: army, navy and air force. Some army officers, some navy officers, some air force officers, don’t want to accept the ideas of the General Than Shwe.

But we secretly join them, from the riflemen to the general. Whoever we can contact. We have already prepared to contact with them.

Offices raided as largest junta-allied ethnic armies defy junta request

In the afternoon of Nov. 23, an office of a major minority group army that is a signatory to a cease fire agreement with the Burmese junta was raided by government forces. According to a press release obtained by Jotman (via Burma Kin), eight officers of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) were arrested during the raid and taken away.

An earlier raid this month targeted KIO homes. Kachin News Group (KNG) wrote of the previous raid: "The raid is unusual and has taken place for the first time in 13 years of the ceasefire."

KNG reported that the junta is upset by the refusal of these groups to disavow the November 8 statement by Aung San Suu Kyi, in which she said that she had been approached by a number of ethnic groups to represent them in the dialogue with the military junta.

A report in the Irrawaddy says that "major ceasefire groups, the United Wa State Army (UWSA) and the KIO, have been showing obvious signals of defiance against the Burmese junta." Irrawaddy describes UWSA and KIO as "the two main players of 17 ethnic groups."

Friday, November 23, 2007

He looked like a bull, an angry bull

This is Part II of my talk with four monks who escaped Burma in mid-November (here is Part I). These are the first and only accounts in the English language of their heroic ordeal.

It's one thing to watch a video of the saffron revolution, but something else to hear a first-person account of the events of September from the perspective of a bright young monk.

Transcribing this interview last night, the words of U Sandawara carried me away, as if in a dream, to a far away time and place; to the world of a Burmese monk.

The Angry Bull
This is how U Sandawara described the protests as they were getting underway:
We gathered in Shwe Maw Dow Pagoda in Pegu Division -- a ten minute walk from our temple.

We recited the meta-sutta (the surtra of loving-kindness). In the beginning, we were a small group. We all walked around the back part of the pagoda, and then went through the town.

Along the way, to expand our group we called out to people: "Come and join us!" We reminded them of our demands to t he government to reduce prices, to end the people's suffering. "Why can't you join us? Don't just look. Join! Only by standing shoulder-to-shoulder can we can send a message that things have to change."
The situation soon deteriorated:
Ordinary people along the side of the road began distributing water to the monks. Others went out from the crowd to fetch water for the monks.

It was then that the USDA troops appeared. A big broad soldier approached. In his left hand he held a shield, in his right hand a baton. He didn't look like a Buddhist. He looked like a bull, an angry bull. His nostrils flared like a fighting bull about to charge me.

I saw this soldier lift his baton to strike the monk walking beside me. I put my hand out so as to cut the force of the blow. The stick struck my hand, badly bruising it. The stick was hard and heavy -- not the bamboo kind -- but hardwood.

After that, the monk behind tried to pull the soldier away. But the soldier stuck him, smashing his forehead. We heard a loud "Crack!" sound. Blood everywhere. I took off my under-robe and tied it around his head to stop the bleeding. . .
Teargas, deadly beatings
Of the events of the following dayU Sandawara said:
The next day the streets were full of soldiers. This time, they didn't allow the protesters to go into the small-side streets alongside the main road. People were crowded on the main street.

Soldiers threw tear gas bombs into the crowd and this caused chaos. The USDA and the riot police -- they came into the crowd to beat up monks and people together. Some were not killed by bullets. They were killed by beating.

Though this was discouraging, still we marched. Still we called out to the townsfolk, "If you too are from Pegu Division, join with us!"

A lot of people came out and joined with the group.

The soldiers beat people; they shot tear gas. They pulled people into trucks and drove them away.
Night on the rice-paddies
For U Sandawara these days were a big blur. He is fuzzy on the dates. The monastery raid he describes here may have occurred as early as the night of September 25 (The night when many Rangoon monasteries where first raided).
We heard shots fired into the air by USDA troops. We knew a raid of our monastery was now underway.

The aged, the old monks and very young novice couldn't run away. Actually those monks hadn't even joined the protest, but they suffered terribly. They were beaten up and taken away. There was not enough time for us to wake them up.

The troops broke everything. They decapitated Buddha statues. Then they took all the monks' property: our alms bowls, even the monks' clothes, our robes.

Next day, we thought that we dare not return to our monastery. So we hid inside the city quarters with the townsfolk.

Again we heard guns fired in the air. Soldiers stormed the quarters and raided homes. Soldiers everwhere.

Someone had informed on us. There had been a spy among the townfolk. Fortunately, the people we stayed with were able to hide us well.

Once the soldiers had gone we ran far away from the city. At the outskirts of town we walked out across some rice fields. Out there, there was no place to lie down and sleep. It was muddy. Some stood, others tried to sit on the narrow dirt ridge that separated two flooded paddy fields.
The three old abbots
U Sandawara made his way to a rural village monastery. His description of the hide-out speaks to the desperate poverty one encounters in rural Burma.
When I left Rangoon I separated with these friends. I didn't know where the others were. I was in this village by myself.

Some people invited us to stay in a remote village monestary, where only a few monks were staying But the monastery was so far away from the village.

There were five other monks -- novices actually, as they were all under twenty -- from Rangoon hiding in that poor town monastery with me.

And we had a new problem: a lack of robes, alms bowls. Not able to collect alms ourselves, we had to stay hidden in the monastery. We waited for offerings of food to be delivered to us by the poor villagers.

The abbots of the monastery -- there were three old abbots -- they didn't have enough knowledge about Buddhism. They ordained at a very old age so in their lives they had not had the opportunity to study. They had tried to be monks in a physical sense; they tried to meditate, and otherwise be good monks. So when we arrived, the old abbots were hopeful that some monks had finally arrived who could instruct villagers and themselves in the teachings of Buddha.
The struggle has just begun
In the third an final post based on the four monks interview, U Sandawara discusses the monks' plans with Jotman.

Photo: Burmese monks U Sandawara and U Visida by Jotman.

In the black of night, mysterious singaling

Last night around 00:30 I walked to a 24-hour store to buy some bedtime snacks. I passed a night security guard who always stands in the vicinity of one street corner. I said "hello" to him once, but got a stone cold face in response, not a flicker of acknowledgment.

Returning from the store, I passed his corner again. Just as I was about to cross the street, this man began striking something hard like an iron rod against a metal street pole: Clang! Clang! Clang! Clang! It was a terribly loud sound for this quiet hour.

I crossed the street and walked alongside a parking lot. In the parking lot beside me, the lights of three parked SUVs came on. Then: Clang! Clang! Clang! This time the clanging sound was coming from the direction in which I was headed.

Evidently, the clanging was a signal for something. I passed a man with frizzy hair talking on a mobile phone whom I sensed was involved, somehow. I half expected the SUVs to race out of the parking lot. This didn't happen. Three or four cars drove by, but they were driven normally and looked ordinary.

I looked at the man at the end of my block who was making the second clanging noise. He wore a uniform-jacket -- I couldn't make out the words printed on the back. He took off as I approached. He moved at a fast clip in the direction as I was headed.

After two blocks, this man crossed the street. He walked up to a street pole and went at it again: Clang! Clang! Clang! From across the street, I watched this. Then, turning to face a wall, he relieved himself.

What any of this was about, I have no idea.

Wednesday, November 21, 2007

One thing about Burma is futuristic

"Twenty years ago, Burma was ahead of Thailand. Today we have fallen far behind," said my Burmese guide.

We strolled down the dusty street of a border town. Bicycle rickshaws everywhere. A smokey old truck passed us.

"Look at that thing -- World War II."

In at least one respect, however, Burma is a more "futuristic" society than our own.

Baring some cataclysm, the day will arrive -- whether in five years or twenty-five -- when all important information will be delivered electronically. A world without printed newspapers or magazines is coming.

That day has already arrived in Burma. The Burmese do not turn to traditional printed media for serious information.

Sure, you can still find paper magazines and newspapers in the shops. But like George Orwell's vision of 1984, Burma's newspapers don't contain real news.

In Burma your only reliable sources of information are electronic. Electronic media offer your best chance of getting informed and making connections.

I recently spoke with Casper, a Rangoon businessman. Burmese businessman like Casper, dependent on overseas suppliers, must be technologically savvy. Casper explained to me his use of one kind of electronic media after another.*

Television
"I don't think it's too much to ask of the government controlled media that they simply report things that happen in Burma," said Casper. He wishes government news sources delivered some basic facts -- the who, what, where, when. He said could put up with spin; figure out the "why" for himself.

Casper has satellite television. He checked off the names of various satellites orbiting over Burma.

"A satellite dish goes for $150.00 -- made in China." Casper said. "My dish gives me access to Channel News Asia out of Singapore and Al Jazeera" said Casper. "Unfortunately, Channel News Asia isn't political." he added. "So we usually watch Al Jazeera."

As he said this, the voice of an Al Jazeera anchorman boomed from a nearby television set -- something about Palestine.

Casper told me BBC and CNN are only available by subscription -- which nobody can afford.

"I'm very pleased with the Democratic Voice of Burma," he said. This station broadcasts out of Norway and is covering local Burmese issues.

Internet
"Get on the Internet in Rangoon and it seems like all the sites are blocked" Casper said.

He told me you need to use "a proxy server."

Since my interview with VOA -- it was broadcast into Burma -- this site has been getting more hits from the proxy servers. Proxy servers change constantly. Once the government discovers one, it closes the gate. It goes dead.

Casper said www.your-freedom.net is his first choice: "It's the only proxy-server the government cannot block."

Based in Germany, this organization has provided technology that has allowed the Burmese to surf the Internet for three years running.

Mobile phone
"A sim card costs $2,000.00" said Casper.

"Incredible" I said in disbelief.

Another man seated at our table wondered whether it wouldn't be cheaper to simply buy a satellite phone. We talked about how much these cost in Thailand.

Casper explained that, in effect, you buy a sim card from someone connected to the government who has authorization to own sim cards.

Future prospects
There is much about Burma that is 1984, but there are important differences. Orwell did not anticipate the subversive possibilities that new technologies have opened up for the Burmese. There is a lot to be hopeful about.

On the other hand, Burma's regime has been adapting new information technology at a quick pace. Case in point: a friend who had to wait for two hours in a Thai customs office:

"To clear up my visa they had to call Bangkok. Their computers aren't even networked. On the Burmese side, everything is so efficient and computerized. Why can't Thai customs be like Burma's?"

I believe that the future of Burma will be determined by which side -- the side of freedom or oppression -- gets the upper hand in using communications and information technology effectively.

In September the world saw that the potential exists for new technologies to do good. Why don't we build on that momentum? I think we should seed Burma with the technologies that will give Burma's suffering people a fighting chance.
______________
* What about shortwave radio? See here and especially here.
Photo: by Jotman. Shows a Burmese classroom.

Tuesday, November 20, 2007

ASEAN, Burma, and the great powers

In terms of the Burma crisis, have great powers influenced positions taken by individual Southeast Asian countries at the ASEAN summit in Singapore? Two of my favorite bloggers think so.

President Arroyo of the Philippines has warned that the Philippine Senate would have “extreme difficulty” ratifying new ASEAN charter unless Burma makes progress toward democracy and frees Aung San Suu Kyi. Greg of Ten Percent writes "This is mostly from US pressure and a mooted ‘free trade’ (shudder) deal. . ."

Meanwhile, Laos and Cambodia have condemned the Western economic sanctions and called on ASEAN member countries to stay out of each other's affairs. Blogger Fonzi at Thailand Jumped the Shark sees "China . . . exercising its power behind the scenes" here.

Leaders of SE Asia, these Burmese monks have a message for you.

This is the first report of the escape of these monks to appear in the English language.

Four monks who escaped Burma have a message for leaders of Southeast Asia gathered in Singapore this week.

The monks fled the crackdown in Rangoon and arrived in Thailand on November 14th. I spoke with them at their hideout Monday.

The monks tell me they first met one another this summer at Yan Myo Aung, a small monastery-school in Rangoon. The occasion of their meeting was the start of rainy season when monks begin a three month long retreat.

But things did not go well. There was not enough food to go around. By September they were subsisting on a diet of rice and salt.

First they passed out leaflets, then they marched.

At 1:00 am one night -- while the four were having a late night bull-session -- troops invaded their monastery. Trashing the place, soldiers even beheaded Buddha statues. The fate of monks who had been sleeping at the hour of the attack is unknown. Hunted by the soldiers, the four monks fled for their lives. U Sandawara, aged 23, said:
We faced many difficulties, and saw great suffering; and then we became confused about what to do after the crackdown. Fortunately we reached the border areas where we were able to make contact with some people. And we got ideas. And plans for future movements.
At the start of our interview, there were four monks seated around the table with me. But the oldest monk soon got up and made his way to a lawn chair in the part of the large room used as the monk's sleeping area.

"He has a lung problem," the interpreter said of U Yewada, a fifty-one year old monk. I was assured that he had received medical treatment.

After telling me their story, I asked the monks if there was anything else they wanted to say. U Sandawara spoke up:
I would like to request that companies from different countries -- including Singapore, Thailand, Korea, and the West -- not continue doing business with Burma at this time. If possible, just a postponement -- or delay -- would be appreciated. Because this money supports the SPDC; it's used to buy arms and bullets and also even some -- how shall I put it? -- "strange" arms; these weapons get used in my land against my people, making them suffer.
I asked U Sandawara if there was anything he wanted to say to the leaders of ASEAN, meeting this week in Singapore:
Leaders of the Southeast Asian countries at the ASEAN meeting: We ask you not to focus on your "own benefits" from Burma; please understand the Burmese peoples' current problems and difficulties. We ask that you think of the suffering Burmese as a part of your own family. Do something for democratic change in Burma.

And we request social support for the people who joined the protest and now suffer. Some people have bad injuries. Families are grieving. The military government will not help these people. People are hiding in different areas; they cannot go back home. Please put pressure on the military regime to arrange for their amnesty.
"Picture Myanmar dictator Than Shwe seated at the conference table in Singapore," I said. "What should the other leaders say to him?"
Understand that Shwe robbed the power from the people. Before he and the SPDC succeed in delay, in stealing the peoples' time, put the strongest pressure on him for democratic change in the very near future. That's my request. For all the leaders of ASEAN to pressure this man. Force him to change the country.

Know that Shwe is only interested in pursuing his own interests, his own business. He doesn't care about the people. There is a lot of corruption in his military group. He is not interested in improving the society. He's that kind of person. He's useless.

So please put pressure on him, so as to peacefully bring about a democratic Burma.

Photo: Jotman

Sunday, November 18, 2007

Jotman doesn't only write about Burma and Thailand

Although my "Reporters Without Borders Award" specifies my coverage of recent upheavals in Burma and Thailand (comprising hundreds of posts), at Jotman.com I have blogged about a range of other issues. These are some I want you to know about:
  • Nuclear proliferation. I have blogged the highly questionable US-India nuclear deal since the moment of its public inception on the White House lawn in 2003.
  • Australia seems just about as lost as the United States these days. I have series of posts about what's happened to Australia under John Howard.
  • I have written about the erosion of civil liberties in the US under the Bush Administration. I'm proud of two posts I wrote in defense of Jose Padilla. The US media obediently accepted his trial verdict as "justice served." I didn't -- here's why.
  • At Jotman.com, I have documented how the US media undermines the capacity of Americans to understand the world. They played cheerleader in the build up to the Iraq war, leaving the hard questions unasked.
  • Their silence continues, but Jotman remains vigilant about the prospect that Bush will start a third war (with Iran). Using humor, I documented an attempt by neo-conservatives to smear an authority on the preparedness of the US military to fight Iran.
  • On the subject of the US media, why were alleged atrocities in the wake of the crackdown in Burma reported mainly in the British press -- why not also in the US media? What was that all about?
  • I blogged the resurgence of Russia as world power long before it was headline news (including the link between the state of Kalmykia and Burma).
  • I was a victim of the attacks on the World Trade Center on 9/11. Read my recent reflections on that terrible event.
I invite you to visit Jotman regularly. Also, I have two other -- quite different -- blogs that may be of interest to you:
Jotazine.com is where I share -- sometimes humorous -- personal insights about travel. I also investigate travel safety issues.

Makzan.com concerns my philosophy of health and happiness. I am presently writing a book on this theme. My thinking here has been strongly influenced by the great American psychologist Mihalyi Csikszentmihalyi.
_______________
* Here are three testimonies to the utter imbecility of the US media that have occurred in just the past four days:

  • Thursday: During a nationally televised debate, CNN had this question asked of America's 2008 presidential candidates: "What do you prefer, diamonds or pearls?"
  • Friday: Newsweek hired Karl Rove, the political strategist responsible for George W. Bush's numerous disasters, to write a weekly column for the magazine. This follows in the wake of Time Magazine's decision to hire Bill Kristol, one of the leading "thinkers" behind the Iraq war.

I was just interviewed by VOA

I just got off the phone with a correspondent from Voice of America's Burmese Service. He had called me to do a prerecorded phone interview. It concerned the "Reporters Without Borders Award." Unfortunately, my interview got off to a rocky start:
VOA: "What's your name."

Jotman: "I can't tell you, I'm anonymous."

VOA: "Then what do I call you?"

Jotman: "Call me Jotman."

VOA: "Where are you from?"

Jotman: "Sorry, I can't say."

VOA: "Are you Thai?"

Jotman: "Sorry, I can't answer that question."
These are my reflections on the experience:
  • I think my VOA interviewer had not interviewed so many anonymous bloggers before. And I certainly felt like a novice at giving interviews anonymously. So it was a challenge all round.
  • It also felt funny to be on the receiving end of interview questions. Lately, I've been the one asking the questions!
  • I can't believe I was asked to give an interview at 1:00am! When do VOA's reporters sleep?
  • While I was one the phone, it occurs to me that some spy agency of the Burmese junta probably monitors VOA broadcasts quite closely. So I'm thinking I have to watch what I say.
  • That's not all. I have come to realize that the audience for VOA's Burmese Service must be enormous. From what Burmese have told me, VOA's Burmese Service is likely the single most popular source of information in Burma. (BBC seems to be their second choice. I get the impression VOA does the most local Burma news programming -- such as the interview I just gave.) So tens of millions of Burmese are about to discover Jotman.
In the fight against the Burmese regime, the BBC and VOA are among the most important -- and abroad the least widely appreciated -- things the outside world does to support the democracy movement inside Burma. As I wrote elsewhere, supporting good broadcast journalism is certainly a more effective investment than building more bombs and guns. It wasn't missiles that brought down the Berlin Wall.

Speaking of VOA, after my visit to Burma in October, I blogged what it feels like to listen to VOA inside Burma (see here).

Update: A transcript of VOA's interview of Jotman is available here (it's in Burmese, via naymyohome).

Saturday, November 17, 2007


I almost walked past this cart without noticing the little Burmese boy it contained. Although he looks a bit forsaken, he had not been abandoned. His mother was hard at work nearby.

My talk with the monk who led the protests in Rangoon (Part I)

I recently had the opportunity to interview the leader of the monks' protest in Rangoon (shown at the center the photo).

He has been in hiding at a safe house in Thailand.

I am not the first to speak with him. I first learned of Ashin Kovida's escape to Thailand in an Oct. 28 article by Thomas Fuller in the NY Times (posted here). The Times' account of how he came to lead the protests, his activities on the streets of Rangoon, his flight to a hideout in the Burmese countryside, and his escape to Thailand evoked a drama of high suspense.

Therefore, I was extremely eager to meet this twenty-four year old hero of the Burma monks' protests when I stepped into his safe-house.

On top of a long table at one end of the main room stood three computer terminals. Several Burmese men worked there. To our left was a stairway; under the stairs, a plastic Barbie Doll lay on the floor. On a blank wall, someone had pinned a photocopied portrait of Aung San Suu Kyi. We all sat down around a large square table.

I found Ashin Kovida to be a friendly guy, sometimes gregarious. I pondered how he must feel now. Faced with starting a whole new life in exile, this new environment, only unfamiliar people. And to think that this was his first trip outside of Burma!

At one point we stopped the interview so Ashin Kovida could eat lunch. A vegetarian meal was brought in for him. Far away from his Rangoon monastery, this Burmese monks' daily routines were supported by the devotion of his new hosts.



Note about the video: Ashin Kovida was particularly concerned that I get his words right, so I should note here that the interpretation in the video is not simultaneous. After Ashin Kovida responded to a question, our interpreter spoke. In the video the English interpreter's voice has been spliced over Kovida's actual response in Burmese.

Photos: Monks march in Rangoon in September 2007 (NY Times), photo from video footage by Jotman

Friday, November 16, 2007

Jotman has won the "Reporters Without Borders Award" in Deutsche Welle's Best of the Blogs (BOBs) competition!

I noticed a surge of traffic arriving at Jotman from a Russian newspaper. Unable to read the page, I sent the link to a Russian friend in Hong Kong.

The heading on his email reply read "Congratulations!" Whatever for, I wondered. I opened the email:
The news report at the lenta.ru just says that:

1) A Belarus blog won in the main nomination "The Best Blog"
2) A few words about the Belarus winner, a 23-old journalist from Minsk, Ksenia Avimova
3) And in the "Reporters Without Borders" nomination, the winner is: Jotman, who reported on the Thai military coup in 2006 and is now reporting live from Burma
4) Also mentions the winner of "The Best Blog in Russian": some "kitya"
5) and then the full list of the winners follows...
Cheers!
What makes me happiest about having won this award is knowing that more people will now have a chance to get to know some of the heroes of the Burmese protests whom I have been interviewing. I have only just begun posting their stories at Jotman.

In various safe-houses and hideaways on the Thai side of the Burma border, in recent days I have talked to half-a-dozen protest leaders -- monks and extraordinary citizens -- who escaped over the border to Thailand.

It is to these heroes that I dedicate this award. Namely:
  • To the escaped monks, U Zaw Thi Kha and U Kaw Thar La, who helped to lead the Rangoon protests. They continue to demonstrate literally unspeakable courage; I'm talking about deeds so brave I could not report them.
  • To Ashin Kovida: the chairman of the monks' committee that led the protest, Kovida escaped across the border to Thailand in the middle of October. The New York Times did a short feature on him, but I will tell you much more.
  • To U Pan Cher of Rangoon: this Sikh businessman is truly a national hero; he showed breathtaking courage; leading the ordinary people of Rangoon, he coordinated the movements of civilian protesters with those of the monks. May his name be sung in Burma for generations! You will soon be able to read about him here.
These heroes would share any accolade with all those who participated in the protests. And with all the suffering men, women and children of Burma; people like the anonymous monk, the man in the shop with shortwave radio, the scared teenagers at the temple, the undocumented workers I spoke with. Their stories have already been told on this website. This award recognizes their struggle and their voices too.

And let us not forget Japanese journalist Kenji Nagai who was murdered in cold blood by Burma's military. Nagai inspired me. I'm also thinking about the bloggers of Burma, who made the whole world aware of the protest instantaneously through their firsthand reports and photos -- moment by moment. This award is about them.

The award I won is sponsored by Reporters without Borders (Reporters sans frontières), the Paris-based organization that fights for freedom of speech, supporting journalists around the world. At the forefront of the worldwide struggle for open society; the group serves all humanity. Moreover, Reporters were among the first to recognize and defend blogger's rights; they speak out on behalf of bloggers who have been unjustly censored or jailed. I am honored to have received an award in their name. Because Reporters without Borders is both so worthwhile and so dependent on donations from the public, I encourage you to support them generously.

Thank you to my dear readers, members of the jury, and Germany's public broadcaster Deuche Welle for holding the competition -- along with co-sponsor Global Voices.

To paraphrase what Zaw Nyein Latt, a former political prisoner of the regime -- twice tortured, told me on the weekend:
Today I fight for Burma, tomorrow for the world.
______________________
*These are people I have recently spoken to, and to date I have only shared a fraction of what they have told me. I will be posting their stories on Jotman.com over the next few weeks. I hope you will let me share their courage with you. These are inspiring stories, stories that have not only changed lives, but the history of a nation.

Photos, from top to bottom: Ashin Kovida (Jotman), U U Pan Cher (Jotman) , anonymous monk in Burma (Jotman), Kenji Nagai (Reuters), Zawn Yein Latt (Jotman).

Tuesday, November 13, 2007

Talking with a leader of Burma's student army

Just updated with a video interview!

"Burma's military regime blames us whenever anything bad happens to them. I'd say that's no small accomplishment," said Myint Oo, member of the Central Executive Committee of the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF).

A former member quipped, "ABSDF may well be the world's only remaining student army."

ABSDF, formed in the wake of the 1988 crackdown, celebrated its 19th birthday this month. Wishing to learn more about this organization, I hoped on the back of a member's motorbike.

He drove me to an ABSDF hide-out near the Thai-Burma border.

According to some literature they would hand me, ABSDF currently holds seven camps on the Burma-Thailand border, and two other camps: One of which is on the on the Burma-India border; the other on the Burma-China border. Since 2001, ABSDF has not been exclusively military, but promotes "armed struggle in combination with political activities."

A gate opened, and our bike drove through.

I was escorted into a large mostly empty room. In one corner three men worked behind computers, each glancing up briefly as I entered. On the wall at the other end of the room was a large red flag. Before it was a long metal desk. On the wall were framed pictures of Aung San Suu Kyi and an old Burmese man. On another wall, the obligatory Che poster. We seated ourselves around the desk . . .



Photo and video: Myint Oo of the ABSDF by Jotman.

Monday, November 12, 2007

How does the Burma junta treat its war veterans?

If you what to know what kind of regime runs Burma, ask a Burmese army war veteran.

Near a park across the river in Burma, I interviewed a Burmese army veteran. He had only one leg, having lost the other in combat. Beside him stood his wife. Against a concrete wall rested his artificial leg. One of his two sons sat tapping two sticks together while I spoke to his father. My guide served as interpreter.

J: Please tell me about yourself.

V: I was a soldier inside Burma. I fought for Burma north of the Thai border town of Tachilek. And in the far north of Burma -- near the Chinese border. There I fought against the Bakuba -- the army of the Burmese Communist Party.

J: Is this your son?

V: My house was taken by the Burmese army. This year, in April. Taken by force.

J: Why?

V: Five houses were taken away to build a railway station.

J: Did you get compensation.

V: No. Nothing!

J: Why did you come to this border town?

V: I came here to go to Cynthia's clinic in Thailand. And to get work.

J: I see.

V: I am very sad. My house was taken away by the army. After leaving my house I had to move to Mandalay. I had no job. So I came to here.

J: Can you work in Thailand?

V: I may be able to get temporary work in Thailand -- for a day.

I felt sad afterwards. It was a short talk. The wife, his son, and the former soldier appeared to have no possessions whatsoever. I thanked the soldier for speaking with me. I squeezed a bill into his hand. Seeing this, my guide praised me.

I only felt empty.

Jotman nomination for BOBs "Reporters Without Borders Award"

As noted earlier, Jotman is a finalist for the "Reporters Without Borders Award" in the Best of the Blogs (BOBs) competition sponsored by DW (Germany's BBC) . Today I received an email from DW informing me:
. . . Our online voting system was hacked last week in an attempt manipulate the outcome. . . Please announce this unfortunate news to your readers and encourage them to vote again for the Best of the Blogs. . . .we have extended online voting an extra 4 days until Nov. 19
For instructions about how to vote for Jotman click here. To everyone who voted for me, thank you!

An opposition strategist responds to Aung San Suu Kyi statement

Yesterday I spoke with a man who Burma -- indeed the world -- may well hear more of in the months and years to come.

I interviewed 54 year-old Zaw Nyein Latt, who chairs the Burma Political Prisoner's Union (BPPU). Latt has spent many years behind bars in Burma as a political prisoner, first in the late 1970s and again in the 1990s. He tells me while in prison he was tortured -- severely.

In a cafe near the Thai-Burma border, for several hours, Latt talked about his life, and particularly, about where the opposition needs to go from here. Future strategy. After being granted political asylum last year and travelling to the United States, Latt returned to Thailand where he felt he would be better situated to serve political refugees within Burma and in the refugee camps. Upon his return to Thailand, he was elected to head the BPPU.

In a broader sense, through his network of contacts throughout Burma, he helps plan, coordinate, and articulate the the opposition's next moves. He's thinking long-term.

The person who referred me to Latt described him as a creative and insightful thinker,"a man with ideas." In talking with Latt, I found this to be the case. He comes across as an exceptionally bright and warm person; a natural communicator, charismatic even. I felt myself in the presence of good man who has a strong and clear vision for his country.

In the following video clip, Zaw Nyein Latt pulls out a printout of the statement by Aung San Suu Kyi and discusses
the significance of her message. He explains what it means for the democratic movement -- and what it doesn't say.

He tells me the opposition needs to make certain things clear to the Burmese regime; he's adamant about the need to set negotiations within a framework. In the interview, he explained to me some of the ways the opposition is preparing to back up its negotiating position.

The mission of Jotman.com is to "spot local trends and bold ideas" and "spark creativity and global citizenship." It was an awesome experience to be in the presence of a such a figure as Zaw Nyein Latt, in whose life these ideals profoundly converge.

Here is Part I of my interview with Zaw Nyein Latt:

Amnesty International on the death of a monk

Amnesty International has released a briefing paper on September's crackdown and the situation since. The Amnesty.org website describes the death of monk U Thilavantha:

U Thilavantha was a respected and much-loved member of his local community. . . He gave English classes to local children. He was around 35 years old.On 25 September, the day after Myitkyina's monks had taken part in peaceful marches calling for an end to restrictions imposed by the military government, U Thilavantha's monastery was raided by police. He was beaten and arrested. Once in detention, he received further beatings.

He died of his injuries the following day. Officials at the local hospital were pressured into declaring that he had suffered a heart attack.

The monastery in which U Thilavantha lived had originally housed 142 monks. On 31 October, only 11 remained..
Comment: This report will be appended to Hidden Crisis section of this website, where Jotman continues to track any and all reports of atrocities occuring in the wake of the crackdown.

Sunday, November 11, 2007

Atrocities in Burma ongoing

THAI-BURMA BORDER: On this website I have documented the actions taken by Burmese government against the peaceful protestors. The regime continued to murder people last week, as it had in the weeks, months, and years leading up to September's protests. A robust humanitarian aid group operating in the jungles of Burma, the Free Burma Rangers, reports:

On 6 November, the Burma Army repeatedly shelled rice fields in the Yeh Mu Plaw area of Muthraw District in the Northern Karen State. . . Nine villagers have been wounded and two have been killed in these attacks against villagers trying to harvest their rice. A woman and her thirteen year old daughter were captured earlier last week in this area and have been sent back to Division 88 headquarters. Their condition is unknown. . .

The Burma Army is attempting to disrupt the harvest during this crucial time for local farmers. At present, 64 rice fields are being blocked and controlled by the Burma Army. . .

These attacks are the most recent phase of an offensive that has displaced over 30,000 people and killed over 370 villagers in Northern Karen State from 2006 to present, 6 November, 2007.

The tactic of the Burma army now, as before, is to starve out those villagers it did not manage to shoot or blow up. This is what I am hearing.

Aung San Suu Kyi's statement (via Gambari)

The leader of the Burma Political Prisoner's Union discussed Aung San Suu Kyi's statement with me today. His thoughts about it -- what it means and what to do next -- will be the subject of an upcoming post.

In the meantime, here's the statement:

November 09, 2007—Following is the text of the statement by Burma's opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, as released on Thursday by UN envoy Ibrahim Gambari (AP).

"I wish to thank all those who have stood by my side all this time, both inside and outside my country. I am also grateful to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, for his unwavering support for the cause of national reconciliation, democracy and human rights in my country.

"I welcome the appointment on 8 October of Minister Aung Kyi as Minister for Relations. Our first meeting on 25 October was constructive and I look forward to further regular discussions. I expect that this phase of preliminary consultations will conclude soon so that a meaningful and time bound dialogue with the SPDC (State Peace and Development Council) leadership can start as early as possible.

"In the interest of the nation, I stand ready to cooperate with the Government in order to make this process of dialogue a success and welcome the necessary good offices role of the United Nations to help facilitate our efforts in this regard.

"In full awareness of the essential role of political parties in democratic societies, in deep appreciation of the sacrifices of the members of my party and in my position as General Secretary, I will be guided by the policies and wishes of the National League for Democracy. However, in this time of vital need for democratic solidarity and national unity, it is my duty to give constant and serious considerations to the interests and opinions of as broad a range of political organizations and forces as possible, in particular those of our ethnic nationality races.

"To that end, I am committed to pursue the path of dialogue constructively and invite the Government and all relevant parties to join me in this spirit.

"I believe that stability, prosperity and democracy for my country, living at peace with itself and with full respect for human rights, offers the best prospect for my country to fully contribute to the development and stability of the region in close partnership with its neighbors and fellow Asean members, and to play a positive role as a respected member of the international community."

Saturday, November 10, 2007

Burma monk leader Ashin Kovida talks with Jotman

Monk leader Ashin Kovida lived in Rangoon where he played a key role in organizing the peaceful protests of September. I took this photo of Ashin Kovida at a safe house in Thailand. During our discussion, he spoke about the protests, his escape to Thailand, and the future of Burma. Look for reports of our discussion in upcoming posts.


Photo: Jotman

Friday, November 9, 2007

Morning tea at a "Safe House" on the Burma border

I spent the morning drinking tea at a secret "safe house" where I had an opportunity to discuss the Burma crisis with some opponents of the regime. The men I shared tea with were absolutely determined to continue the fight against the junta.

The party included monks who had escaped Rangoon at the end of September and fled to the Burmese boarder by motorcar. One monk present, U Zaw Thi Kha, said he had been responsible for having led some 500 monks in marches in Rangoon prior to the violent crackdown. U Zaw showed me a special refugee identity card he had received from UNHCR.

Also present at the safe house was Maung (not his real name), a former Generation 88 student activist who had since assumed a leadership position in the ABSDF (All Burma Student's Democratic Front) which he described as a "student army." He says he left the ABSDF in 2001, before which he claims to have been a member of its Central Committee. He told me that ABSDF is both a political and military organization, with about 200 persons in the political wing, and a military wing consisting of about 800 student soldiers. They have operated inside Karen National Union (KNU) territory (the KNU is the largest army presently engaged in fighting the Burmese junta). Maung said they have also had units on the Indian border with Burma.

Maung said he is now independent of any organization, but remains resolute in his support for those working for Burmese freedom.

Unfortunately, for the safety of those present, certain things I heard today cannot be repeated.

Nevertheless, it was evident to me from my morning tea at the safe house that the opponents of the regime -- people from different walks of Burmese society -- are committed to sharing information. They are having open discussions about tactics. They may be working towards a more coordinated strategy. Certainly, it would appear that the brutality of the government crackdown has united the opposition like never before.

"It's made our resolve solid," said one monk.

UPDATE: They have just invited me back for tea, so I expect to meet with some other Burma escapees shortly. Presently, I am putting together a list of interview questions for my next visit to the safe house. What would you like to know? If you have a question in mind, you could jot it in comments.

Hidden Crisis Update

Blogger Kyi May Kaung attended the special Senate Foreign Relations Sub-committee Hearing on Burma back on 2 October. This blogger's account of the hearing is now online. One line in particular sticks out from her account:
Aung Din, Co-founder of the USCB and a 1988 veteran, updated on how on 25 September 25 alone, a hundred dead bodies were counted at the Rangoon General Hospital.
It would appear that Aung Din first mentioned the "100 bodies" in this letter. I am filing this report under the Hidden Crisis topic. On this website I have sought to track every known report of any massacre happening around the time of the crackdown and after.

Wednesday, November 7, 2007

Burmese legend with the teeth to fight for human rights

From a recent post at my travel blog, Jotazine:
In the Burmese town of Myawaddy, which lies across the border from the Thai town of Mae Sot, a building sits on the back of a giant crocodile. It's called Krukodine Pagoda, or Crocodile Pagoda. Less than twenty years old, what interests me about the structure are the two great stories told of its short history. In essence, the stories make this a place where a modern legend has given teeth to high moral principle.
Continued at Jotazine.com.

My visit to no man's land

Between Thailand and Burma there lies is an island . . .

Tuesday, November 6, 2007

Source tells Jotman critical info regarding a recent bomb explosion in Burma

On October 13, 2007 the Bangkok Post reported "a bomb blast which wounded three people at a Burmese hotel further south, across the Moei River from Mae Sot."

On Friday night, an explosion occurred in a hotel in Myawaddy, located just 500 metres from the Thai-Burma Friendship bridge in Tak province.

There was no indication of whether the incident was related to last month's crackdown on Buddhist monks and laity protests.

According to the preliminary investigation, the bomb was believed activated by remote control but the motive or the cause of the incident is still unknown.

I was recently informed by a Thai source that a large hotel in Myawaddy -- the building is located about 500 meters from the bridge up the main road -- is actually not a hotel at all, but a headquarters for the Burmese military (SPDC).

The person I spoke with about the "hotel" did not mention the bombing incident -- likely because he/she had not heard about it.

I think it's safe to assume it's the same hotel.


Update from the Thai-Burma border

I've been talking to various people the past three days: a disabled Burmese war veteran, people who teach at schools for Burmese, migrant workers, NGO staff, and I met three refugees yesterday -- young men and women who essentially grew up in the camps. There are some 18 UNHCR administered refugee camps on the Thai side of the border -- the smaller of which hold some 15,000 people, many of the Karen nation, and other minority groups.

Yesterday I passed a truck that had been stopped by the Thai police. Inside were dozens of Burmese workers. I am told the interception of trucks full of Burmese refugees is a daily occurrence. Some will b fined. Others will be placed in a detention center prior to repatriation.

I am also learning about the scale and scope of Thailand's ongoing co-operation with the Burmese junta. This is most disturbing, and I have much more to tell you about that.

While I was across the border, I heard a rumor about Burma's nuclear program.

I also learned some additional information about a bombing in Burma -- info which, so far as I know -- was not reported in the press.

Much more to come.

Mysterious Burma

Recently I shot several strange videos concerning Burma. They are now posted at my other blog, Jotazine.com.

Saturday, November 3, 2007

Live-blogging the crisis from the Burma border

It's 20:30 in Thailand (20:00 in Burma)

Today I traveled through some of Thailand's last remaining old-growth rainforest, passing craggy hilltops; jungles thick with vines, bamboo groves, a few palms and banana plants. I was approaching a border town on Thailand's wild west; it's frontier with Burma.

Well inside Thai territory, our vehicle passed a Thai immigration road check. I believe the official was on the look out for undocumented Burmese; Burmese souls on their way back home from a sojourn of employment in Thailand. If any were on our bus, they might be loaded with cash to take to their impoverished relatives across the border. Easy prey. After a quick inspection the guard let us through. I suppose none of us looked Burmese.

I got settled into a hotel room. In the late afternoon I took a tuk-tuk along the six lane highway -- largely devoid of traffic -- that leads to Burma. The Thailand border checkpoint is at one end of a long bridge. I saw that you could walk along side the bridge right up to the river that formed the border between Thailand and Myanmar. That's what I did.

Standing under the bridge on the riverbank, I looked across the river into Burma -- a stone's throw away. I was about to head up the shore when a Burmese man with bad teeth approached me.

"Don't go that way by yourself. There may be some thieves over there."

Frank (not his real name) explained that just around the bend in the river where I was headed, the Thai soldiers would no longer be able to keep an eye on me. Frank suggested I could get robbed by one of his desperate countrymen lurking in the reeds. Frank proposed escorting me a short ways up the river. In his company, he assured me that I would be safe. A suspicious looking Indian man sat on a bench nearby, watching us. It didn't sound like a bad idea.

But I was not sure how much I should trust Frank. Maybe there were no thieves; perhaps Frank was just looking for an excuse to make me feel dependent on a guide. Or more ominously, maybe this was a set-up? Perhaps Frank was leading me into some kind of trap. The sun had almost set.

Frank made it clear he expected to get paid something for serving as my guide. This actually had the effect of putting me at ease; it almost seemed to rule out my biggest fear. And Frank seemed to have a lot he wanted to say.

"You are very lucky you met me here," Frank said. "Here's my Myanmar identity card." he added. "Do you want to take a picture of it?"

Frank would later indicate that possession of the small green card gave him special privileges. For one thing, he was free to cross the bridge and spend the day in Thailand. Frank put his thumb over the name -- but not his photo. And I obliged.

The Indian man walked past us.

Frank spoke quickly, he mentioned how rotten his government was; he proceeded to point out some Burmese commuters. On the other riverbank, four young men were boarding a truck inner-tube. They pushed it into the river and then they piled in. Paddling with their hands the river carried them straight towards us. We watched them disembark on the sandy bank directly below where we stood.



"In total, they pay one thousand to get across, half goes in the pockets of the Burma soldier." It was clear from Franks tone of voice that Frank didn't like Burmese soldiers. But the Thai soldiers were an entirely different matter. A group of Thai soldiers stood under the bridge beside two jeeps. On top of one of one vehicle was mounted a heavy-duty machine gun.

"Those guys know me," he said.

TO BE CONTINUED

Update: Check out my video, Gamblers! Thieves! Robbers! posted at Jotazine.com. It's related to the above account.

Thursday, November 1, 2007

Thailand Rounding up Burmese -- including Children

Yesterday Human Rights Watch issued a report that shows what happens to destitute children in Burma: they end up in the Tatmadaw (the name of Burma's army). Today The Irrawaddy reports that Thailand is rounding up Burmese migrants -- including children. Guess where Thailand sends them? Back to Burma.

It gets worse. The Thai government official supervising the round-ups of Burmese is none other than General Sonthi. Sonthi is a close friend and staunch ally of Burma's junta. Monks and protestors already lay dead on the streets of Rangoon in September, but this did not deter General Sonthi issuing a statement in defense of the Myanmar regime.

Sonthi was also responsible for the execution of the 2006 coup d'etat in Thailand (Last year, on a Bangkok street around midnight I live-blogged a Thai spokesman declaring a coup d'etat in the name of General Sonthi -- video here, here). Just last month, General Sonthi resigned from the military and was appointed deputy prime minister of Thailand

Here's the most recent report from the Irrawaddy (Mizzima also has a story on this). The Irrawaddy explains that Sonthi was behind this outrage against Burmese living in Thailand:

Thai police arrested about 1,200 migrant workers, most of them Burmese, in a raid on a market area in Thailand’s Samut Sakhon province early on Wednesday, the Thai News Agency (TNA) reported. . . .

A source in Mae Sot said more than 200 illegal migrants had been caught there and sent back to Burma. Police checkpoints had been set up in Mae Sot and on main roads leading to the town.

Moe Swe, of the Mae Sot-based Yaung Chi Oo Burmese migrants’ organization, said the arrests were a cause of “big concern.”

A Burmese researcher at the Labor Rights Promotion Network said his organization was particularly concerned about the plight of children who faced being deported to Burma. “They might not know where to go and how to survive,” he said.

The current crackdown follows a recent claim by Thailand’s former army chief, Gen Sonthi Boonyaratkalin, now a deputy minister of national security, that the country’s 2-3 million illegal migrant workers represented a social problem and a threat that needed to be addressed, particularly in the province’s Mahachai district. He said he would be going to the area to inspect the situation at firsthand and seek a solution.

Apart from his government responsibilities, Gen Sonthi is chairman of Thailand’s National Foreign Workers Administrative Committee.

There is a pattern here.

Last week we learned that Thai agents are working to shut down pro-democracy news organizations operated by Burmese dissidents in exile. (The Irrawaddy, the source of this very report, is one of those groups that may be targeted by the Thai authorities). Since the brutal crackdown in September, Thailand appears to have placed a higher priority on supporting the Burmese junta in its crackdown than supporting the international community in its efforts to pressure the junta.