My talk with the monk who led the protests in Rangoon (Part I)

I recently had the opportunity to interview the leader of the monks' protest in Rangoon (shown at the center the photo).

He has been in hiding at a safe house in Thailand.

I am not the first to speak with him. I first learned of Ashin Kovida's escape to Thailand in an Oct. 28 article by Thomas Fuller in the NY Times (posted here). The Times' account of how he came to lead the protests, his activities on the streets of Rangoon, his flight to a hideout in the Burmese countryside, and his escape to Thailand evoked a drama of high suspense.

Therefore, I was extremely eager to meet this twenty-four year old hero of the Burma monks' protests when I stepped into his safe-house.

On top of a long table at one end of the main room stood three computer terminals. Several Burmese men worked there. To our left was a stairway; under the stairs, a plastic Barbie Doll lay on the floor. On a blank wall, someone had pinned a photocopied portrait of Aung San Suu Kyi. We all sat down around a large square table.

I found Ashin Kovida to be a friendly guy, sometimes gregarious. I pondered how he must feel now. Faced with starting a whole new life in exile, this new environment, only unfamiliar people. And to think that this was his first trip outside of Burma!

At one point we stopped the interview so Ashin Kovida could eat lunch. A vegetarian meal was brought in for him. Far away from his Rangoon monastery, this Burmese monks' daily routines were supported by the devotion of his new hosts.



Note about the video: Ashin Kovida was particularly concerned that I get his words right, so I should note here that the interpretation in the video is not simultaneous. After Ashin Kovida responded to a question, our interpreter spoke. In the video the English interpreter's voice has been spliced over Kovida's actual response in Burmese.

Photos: Monks march in Rangoon in September 2007 (NY Times), photo from video footage by Jotman

Jotman has won the "Reporters Without Borders Award" in Deutsche Welle's Best of the Blogs (BOBs) competition!

I noticed a surge of traffic arriving at Jotman from a Russian newspaper. Unable to read the page, I sent the link to a Russian friend in Hong Kong.

The heading on his email reply read "Congratulations!" Whatever for, I wondered. I opened the email:

The news report at the lenta.ru just says that:

1) A Belarus blog won in the main nomination "The Best Blog"

2) A few words about the Belarus winner, a 23-old journalist from Minsk, Ksenia Avimova

3) And in the "Reporters Without Borders" nomination, the winner is: Jotman, who reported on the Thai military coup in 2006 and is now reporting live from Burma

4) Also mentions the winner of "The Best Blog in Russian": some "kitya"

5) and then the full list of the winners follows...

Cheers!

What makes me happiest about having won this award is knowing that more people will now have a chance to get to know some of the heroes of the Burmese protests whom I have been interviewing. I have only just begun posting their stories at Jotman.

In various safe-houses and hideaways on the Thai side of the Burma border, in recent days I have talked to half-a-dozen protest leaders -- monks and extraordinary citizens -- who escaped over the border to Thailand.

It is to these heroes that I dedicate this award. Namely:

• To the escaped monks, U Zaw Thi Kha and U Kaw Thar La, who helped to lead the Rangoon protests. They continue to demonstrate literally unspeakable courage; I'm talking about deeds so brave I could not report them.

• To Ashin Kovida: the chairman of the monks' committee that led the protest, Kovida escaped across the border to Thailand in the middle of October. The New York Times did a short feature on him, but I will tell you much more.
  

• To U Pan Cher of Rangoon: this Sikh businessman is truly a national hero; he showed breathtaking courage; leading the ordinary people of Rangoon, he coordinated the movements of civilian protesters with those of the monks. May his name be sung in Burma for generations! You will soon be able to read about him here.
  

These heroes would share any accolade with all those who participated in the protests. And with all the suffering men, women and children of Burma; people like the anonymous monk, the man in the shop with shortwave radio, the scared teenagers at the temple, the undocumented workers I spoke with. Their stories have already been told on this website. This award recognizes their struggle and their voices too.

And let us not forget Japanese journalist Kenji Nagai who was murdered in cold blood by Burma's military. Nagai inspired me. I'm also thinking about the bloggers of Burma, who made the whole world aware of the protest instantaneously through their firsthand reports and photos -- moment by moment. This award is about them.

The award I won is sponsored by Reporters without Borders (Reporters sans frontières), the Paris-based organization that fights for freedom of speech, supporting journalists around the world. At the forefront of the worldwide struggle for open society; the group serves all humanity. Moreover, Reporters were among the first to recognize and defend blogger's rights; they speak out on behalf of bloggers who have been unjustly censored or jailed. I am honored to have received an award in their name. Because Reporters without Borders is both so worthwhile and so dependent on donations from the public, I encourage you to support them generously.

Thank you to my dear readers, members of the jury, and Germany's public broadcaster Deuche Welle for holding the competition -- along with co-sponsor Global Voices.

To paraphrase what Zaw Nyein Latt, a former political prisoner of the regime -- twice tortured, told me on the weekend:

Today I fight for Burma, tomorrow for the world.

______________________
*These are people I have recently spoken to, and to date I have only shared a fraction of what they have told me. I will be posting their stories on Jotman.com over the next few weeks. I hope you will let me share their courage with you. These are inspiring stories, stories that have not only changed lives, but the history of a nation.

Photos, from top to bottom: Ashin Kovida (Jotman), U U Pan Cher (Jotman) , anonymous monk in Burma (Jotman), Kenji Nagai (Reuters), Zawn Yein Latt (Jotman).

Talking with a leader of Burma's student army

Just updated with a video interview!

"Burma's military regime blames us whenever anything bad happens to them. I'd say that's no small accomplishment," said Myint Oo, member of the Central Executive Committee of the All Burma Students' Democratic Front (ABSDF).

A former member quipped, "ABSDF may well be the world's only remaining student army."

ABSDF, formed in the wake of the 1988 crackdown, celebrated its 19th birthday this month. Wishing to learn more about this organization, I hoped on the back of a member's motorbike.

He drove me to an ABSDF hide-out near the Thai-Burma border.

According to some literature they would hand me, ABSDF currently holds seven camps on the Burma-Thailand border, and two other camps: One of which is on the on the Burma-India border; the other on the Burma-China border. Since 2001, ABSDF has not been exclusively military, but promotes "armed struggle in combination with political activities."

A gate opened, and our bike drove through.

I was escorted into a large mostly empty room. In one corner three men worked behind computers, each glancing up briefly as I entered. On the wall at the other end of the room was a large red flag. Before it was a long metal desk. On the wall were framed pictures of Aung San Suu Kyi and an old Burmese man. On another wall, the obligatory Che poster. We seated ourselves around the desk . . .



Photo and video: Myint Oo of the ABSDF by Jotman.

How does the Burma junta treat its war veterans?

If you what to know what kind of regime runs Burma, ask a Burmese army war veteran.

Near a park across the river in Burma, I interviewed a Burmese army veteran. He had only one leg, having lost the other in combat. Beside him stood his wife. Against a concrete wall rested his artificial leg. One of his two sons sat tapping two sticks together while I spoke to his father. My guide served as interpreter.

J: Please tell me about yourself.

V: I was a soldier inside Burma. I fought for Burma north of the Thai border town of Tachilek. And in the far north of Burma -- near the Chinese border. There I fought against the Bakuba -- the army of the Burmese Communist Party.

J: Is this your son?

V: My house was taken by the Burmese army. This year, in April. Taken by force.

J: Why?

V: Five houses were taken away to build a railway station.

J: Did you get compensation.

V: No. Nothing!

J: Why did you come to this border town?

V: I came here to go to Cynthia's clinic in Thailand. And to get work.

J: I see.

V: I am very sad. My house was taken away by the army. After leaving my house I had to move to Mandalay. I had no job. So I came to here.

J: Can you work in Thailand?

V: I may be able to get temporary work in Thailand -- for a day.

I felt sad afterwards. It was a short talk. The wife, his son, and the former soldier appeared to have no possessions whatsoever. I thanked the soldier for speaking with me. I squeezed a bill into his hand. Seeing this, my guide praised me.

I only felt empty.

Jotman nomination for BOBs "Reporters Without Borders Award"

As noted earlier, Jotman is a finalist for the "Reporters Without Borders Award" in the Best of the Blogs (BOBs) competition sponsored by DW (Germany's BBC) . Today I received an email from DW informing me:

. . . Our online voting system was hacked last week in an attempt manipulate the outcome. . . Please announce this unfortunate news to your readers and encourage them to vote again for the Best of the Blogs. . . .we have extended online voting an extra 4 days until Nov. 19

For instructions about how to vote for Jotman click here. To everyone who voted for me, thank you!

An opposition strategist responds to Aung San Suu Kyi statement

Yesterday I spoke with a man who Burma -- indeed the world -- may well hear more of in the months and years to come.

I interviewed 54 year-old Zaw Nyein Latt, who chairs the Burma Political Prisoner's Union (BPPU). Latt has spent many years behind bars in Burma as a political prisoner, first in the late 1970s and again in the 1990s. He tells me while in prison he was tortured -- severely.

In a cafe near the Thai-Burma border, for several hours, Latt talked about his life, and particularly, about where the opposition needs to go from here. Future strategy. After being granted political asylum last year and travelling to the United States, Latt returned to Thailand where he felt he would be better situated to serve political refugees within Burma and in the refugee camps. Upon his return to Thailand, he was elected to head the BPPU.

In a broader sense, through his network of contacts throughout Burma, he helps plan, coordinate, and articulate the the opposition's next moves. He's thinking long-term.

The person who referred me to Latt described him as a creative and insightful thinker,"a man with ideas." In talking with Latt, I found this to be the case. He comes across as an exceptionally bright and warm person; a natural communicator, charismatic even. I felt myself in the presence of good man who has a strong and clear vision for his country.

In the following video clip, Zaw Nyein Latt pulls out a printout of the statement by Aung San Suu Kyi and discusses the significance of her message. He explains what it means for the democratic movement -- and what it doesn't say.

He tells me the opposition needs to make certain things clear to the Burmese regime; he's adamant about the need to set negotiations within a framework. In the interview, he explained to me some of the ways the opposition is preparing to back up its negotiating position.

The mission of Jotman.com is to "spot local trends and bold ideas" and "spark creativity and global citizenship." It was an awesome experience to be in the presence of a such a figure as Zaw Nyein Latt, in whose life these ideals profoundly converge.

Here is Part I of my interview with Zaw Nyein Latt:

Amnesty International on the death of a monk

Amnesty International has released a briefing paper on September's crackdown and the situation since. The Amnesty.org website describes the death of monk U Thilavantha:

U Thilavantha was a respected and much-loved member of his local community. . . He gave English classes to local children. He was around 35 years old.On 25 September, the day after Myitkyina's monks had taken part in peaceful marches calling for an end to restrictions imposed by the military government, U Thilavantha's monastery was raided by police. He was beaten and arrested. Once in detention, he received further beatings.

He died of his injuries the following day. Officials at the local hospital were pressured into declaring that he had suffered a heart attack.

The monastery in which U Thilavantha lived had originally housed 142 monks. On 31 October, only 11 remained..

Comment: This report will be appended to Hidden Crisis section of this website, where Jotman continues to track any and all reports of atrocities occuring in the wake of the crackdown.

Atrocities in Burma ongoing

THAI-BURMA BORDER: On this website I have documented the actions taken by Burmese government against the peaceful protestors. The regime continued to murder people last week, as it had in the weeks, months, and years leading up to September's protests. A robust humanitarian aid group operating in the jungles of Burma, the Free Burma Rangers, reports:

On 6 November, the Burma Army repeatedly shelled rice fields in the Yeh Mu Plaw area of Muthraw District in the Northern Karen State. . . Nine villagers have been wounded and two have been killed in these attacks against villagers trying to harvest their rice. A woman and her thirteen year old daughter were captured earlier last week in this area and have been sent back to Division 88 headquarters. Their condition is unknown. . .

The Burma Army is attempting to disrupt the harvest during this crucial time for local farmers. At present, 64 rice fields are being blocked and controlled by the Burma Army. . .

These attacks are the most recent phase of an offensive that has displaced over 30,000 people and killed over 370 villagers in Northern Karen State from 2006 to present, 6 November, 2007.

The tactic of the Burma army now, as before, is to starve out those villagers it did not manage to shoot or blow up. This is what I am hearing.

Aung San Suu Kyi's statement (via Gambari)

The leader of the Burma Political Prisoner's Union discussed Aung San Suu Kyi's statement with me today. His thoughts about it -- what it means and what to do next -- will be the subject of an upcoming post.

In the meantime, here's the statement:

November 09, 2007—Following is the text of the statement by Burma's opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, as released on Thursday by UN envoy Ibrahim Gambari (AP).

"I wish to thank all those who have stood by my side all this time, both inside and outside my country. I am also grateful to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, for his unwavering support for the cause of national reconciliation, democracy and human rights in my country.

"I welcome the appointment on 8 October of Minister Aung Kyi as Minister for Relations. Our first meeting on 25 October was constructive and I look forward to further regular discussions. I expect that this phase of preliminary consultations will conclude soon so that a meaningful and time bound dialogue with the SPDC (State Peace and Development Council) leadership can start as early as possible.

"In the interest of the nation, I stand ready to cooperate with the Government in order to make this process of dialogue a success and welcome the necessary good offices role of the United Nations to help facilitate our efforts in this regard.

"In full awareness of the essential role of political parties in democratic societies, in deep appreciation of the sacrifices of the members of my party and in my position as General Secretary, I will be guided by the policies and wishes of the National League for Democracy. However, in this time of vital need for democratic solidarity and national unity, it is my duty to give constant and serious considerations to the interests and opinions of as broad a range of political organizations and forces as possible, in particular those of our ethnic nationality races.

"To that end, I am committed to pursue the path of dialogue constructively and invite the Government and all relevant parties to join me in this spirit.

"I believe that stability, prosperity and democracy for my country, living at peace with itself and with full respect for human rights, offers the best prospect for my country to fully contribute to the development and stability of the region in close partnership with its neighbors and fellow Asean members, and to play a positive role as a respected member of the international community."

Burma monk leader Ashin Kovida talks with Jotman

Monk leader Ashin Kovida lived in Rangoon where he played a key role in organizing the peaceful protests of September. I took this photo of Ashin Kovida at a safe house in Thailand. During our discussion, he spoke about the protests, his escape to Thailand, and the future of Burma. Look for reports of our discussion in upcoming posts.


Photo: Jotman

Morning tea at a "Safe House" on the Burma border

I spent the morning drinking tea at a secret "safe house" where I had an opportunity to discuss the Burma crisis with some opponents of the regime. The men I shared tea with were absolutely determined to continue the fight against the junta.

The party included monks who had escaped Rangoon at the end of September and fled to the Burmese boarder by motorcar. One monk present, U Zaw Thi Kha, said he had been responsible for having led some 500 monks in marches in Rangoon prior to the violent crackdown. U Zaw showed me a special refugee identity card he had received from UNHCR.

Also present at the safe house was Maung (not his real name), a former Generation 88 student activist who had since assumed a leadership position in the ABSDF (All Burma Student's Democratic Front) which he described as a "student army." He says he left the ABSDF in 2001, before which he claims to have been a member of its Central Committee. He told me that ABSDF is both a political and military organization, with about 200 persons in the political wing, and a military wing consisting of about 800 student soldiers. They have operated inside Karen National Union (KNU) territory (the KNU is the largest army presently engaged in fighting the Burmese junta). Maung said they have also had units on the Indian border with Burma.

Maung said he is now independent of any organization, but remains resolute in his support for those working for Burmese freedom.

Unfortunately, for the safety of those present, certain things I heard today cannot be repeated.

Nevertheless, it was evident to me from my morning tea at the safe house that the opponents of the regime -- people from different walks of Burmese society -- are committed to sharing information. They are having open discussions about tactics. They may be working towards a more coordinated strategy. Certainly, it would appear that the brutality of the government crackdown has united the opposition like never before.

"It's made our resolve solid," said one monk.

UPDATE: They have just invited me back for tea, so I expect to meet with some other Burma escapees shortly. Presently, I am putting together a list of interview questions for my next visit to the safe house. What would you like to know? If you have a question in mind, you could jot it in comments.

Hidden Crisis Update

Blogger Kyi May Kaung attended the special Senate Foreign Relations Sub-committee Hearing on Burma back on 2 October. This blogger's account of the hearing is now online. One line in particular sticks out from her account:

Aung Din, Co-founder of the USCB and a 1988 veteran, updated on how on 25 September 25 alone, a hundred dead bodies were counted at the Rangoon General Hospital.

It would appear that Aung Din first mentioned the "100 bodies" in this letter. I am filing this report under the Hidden Crisis topic. On this website I have sought to track every known report of any massacre happening around the time of the crackdown and after.

Burmese legend with the teeth to fight for human rights

From a recent post at my travel blog, Jotazine:

In the Burmese town of Myawaddy, which lies across the border from the Thai town of Mae Sot, a building sits on the back of a giant crocodile. It's called Krukodine Pagoda, or Crocodile Pagoda. Less than twenty years old, what interests me about the structure are the two great stories told of its short history. In essence, the stories make this a place where a modern legend has given teeth to high moral principle.

Continued at Jotazine.com.

My visit to no man's land

Between Thailand and Burma there lies is an island . . .

Source tells Jotman critical info regarding a recent bomb explosion in Burma

On October 13, 2007 the Bangkok Post reported "a bomb blast which wounded three people at a Burmese hotel further south, across the Moei River from Mae Sot."

On Friday night, an explosion occurred in a hotel in Myawaddy, located just 500 metres from the Thai-Burma Friendship bridge in Tak province.

There was no indication of whether the incident was related to last month's crackdown on Buddhist monks and laity protests.

According to the preliminary investigation, the bomb was believed activated by remote control but the motive or the cause of the incident is still unknown.

I was recently informed by a Thai source that a large hotel in Myawaddy -- the building is located about 500 meters from the bridge up the main road -- is actually not a hotel at all, but a headquarters for the Burmese military (SPDC).

The person I spoke with about the "hotel" did not mention the bombing incident -- likely because he/she had not heard about it.

I think it's safe to assume it's the same hotel.

Update from the Thai-Burma border

I've been talking to various people the past three days: a disabled Burmese war veteran, people who teach at schools for Burmese, migrant workers, NGO staff, and I met three refugees yesterday -- young men and women who essentially grew up in the camps. There are some 18 UNHCR administered refugee camps on the Thai side of the border -- the smaller of which hold some 15,000 people, many of the Karen nation, and other minority groups.

Yesterday I passed a truck that had been stopped by the Thai police. Inside were dozens of Burmese workers. I am told the interception of trucks full of Burmese refugees is a daily occurrence. Some will b fined. Others will be placed in a detention center prior to repatriation.

I am also learning about the scale and scope of Thailand's ongoing co-operation with the Burmese junta. This is most disturbing, and I have much more to tell you about that.

While I was across the border, I heard a rumor about Burma's nuclear program.

I also learned some additional information about a bombing in Burma -- info which, so far as I know -- was not reported in the press.

Much more to come.

Mysterious Burma

Recently I shot several strange videos concerning Burma. They are now posted at my other blog, Jotazine.com.

I chat with some undocumented Burmese working in Thailand

Live-blogging the crisis from the Burma border

It's 20:30 in Thailand (20:00 in Burma)

Today I traveled through some of Thailand's last remaining old-growth rainforest, passing craggy hilltops; jungles thick with vines, bamboo groves, a few palms and banana plants. I was approaching a border town on Thailand's wild west; it's frontier with Burma.

Well inside Thai territory, our vehicle passed a Thai immigration road check. I believe the official was on the look out for undocumented Burmese; Burmese souls on their way back home from a sojourn of employment in Thailand. If any were on our bus, they might be loaded with cash to take to their impoverished relatives across the border. Easy prey. After a quick inspection the guard let us through. I suppose none of us looked Burmese.

I got settled into a hotel room. In the late afternoon I took a tuk-tuk along the six lane highway -- largely devoid of traffic -- that leads to Burma. The Thailand border checkpoint is at one end of a long bridge. I saw that you could walk along side the bridge right up to the river that formed the border between Thailand and Myanmar. That's what I did.

Standing under the bridge on the riverbank, I looked across the river into Burma -- a stone's throw away. I was about to head up the shore when a Burmese man with bad teeth approached me.

"Don't go that way by yourself. There may be some thieves over there."

Frank (not his real name) explained that just around the bend in the river where I was headed, the Thai soldiers would no longer be able to keep an eye on me. Frank suggested I could get robbed by one of his desperate countrymen lurking in the reeds. Frank proposed escorting me a short ways up the river. In his company, he assured me that I would be safe. A suspicious looking Indian man sat on a bench nearby, watching us. It didn't sound like a bad idea.

But I was not sure how much I should trust Frank. Maybe there were no thieves; perhaps Frank was just looking for an excuse to make me feel dependent on a guide. Or more ominously, maybe this was a set-up? Perhaps Frank was leading me into some kind of trap. The sun had almost set.

Frank made it clear he expected to get paid something for serving as my guide. This actually had the effect of putting me at ease; it almost seemed to rule out my biggest fear. And Frank seemed to have a lot he wanted to say.

"You are very lucky you met me here," Frank said. "Here's my Myanmar identity card." he added. "Do you want to take a picture of it?"

Frank would later indicate that possession of the small green card gave him special privileges. For one thing, he was free to cross the bridge and spend the day in Thailand. Frank put his thumb over the name -- but not his photo. And I obliged.

The Indian man walked past us.

Frank spoke quickly, he mentioned how rotten his government was; he proceeded to point out some Burmese commuters. On the other riverbank, four young men were boarding a truck inner-tube. They pushed it into the river and then they piled in. Paddling with their hands the river carried them straight towards us. We watched them disembark on the sandy bank directly below where we stood.



"In total, they pay one thousand to get across, half goes in the pockets of the Burma soldier." It was clear from Franks tone of voice that Frank didn't like Burmese soldiers. But the Thai soldiers were an entirely different matter. A group of Thai soldiers stood under the bridge beside two jeeps. On top of one of one vehicle was mounted a heavy-duty machine gun.

"Those guys know me," he said.

TO BE CONTINUED

Update: Check out my video, Gamblers! Thieves! Robbers! posted at Jotazine.com. It's related to the above account.

Thailand Rounding up Burmese -- including Children

Yesterday Human Rights Watch issued a report that shows what happens to destitute children in Burma: they end up in the Tatmadaw (the name of Burma's army). Today The Irrawaddy reports that Thailand is rounding up Burmese migrants -- including children. Guess where Thailand sends them? Back to Burma.

It gets worse. The Thai government official supervising the round-ups of Burmese is none other than General Sonthi. Sonthi is a close friend and staunch ally of Burma's junta. Monks and protestors already lay dead on the streets of Rangoon in September, but this did not deter General Sonthi issuing a statement in defense of the Myanmar regime.

Sonthi was also responsible for the execution of the 2006 coup d'etat in Thailand (Last year, on a Bangkok street around midnight I live-blogged a Thai spokesman declaring a coup d'etat in the name of General Sonthi -- video here, here). Just last month, General Sonthi resigned from the military and was appointed deputy prime minister of Thailand

Here's the most recent report from the Irrawaddy (Mizzima also has a story on this). The Irrawaddy explains that Sonthi was behind this outrage against Burmese living in Thailand:

Thai police arrested about 1,200 migrant workers, most of them Burmese, in a raid on a market area in Thailand’s Samut Sakhon province early on Wednesday, the Thai News Agency (TNA) reported. . . .

A source in Mae Sot said more than 200 illegal migrants had been caught there and sent back to Burma. Police checkpoints had been set up in Mae Sot and on main roads leading to the town.

Moe Swe, of the Mae Sot-based Yaung Chi Oo Burmese migrants’ organization, said the arrests were a cause of “big concern.”

A Burmese researcher at the Labor Rights Promotion Network said his organization was particularly concerned about the plight of children who faced being deported to Burma. “They might not know where to go and how to survive,” he said.

The current crackdown follows a recent claim by Thailand’s former army chief, Gen Sonthi Boonyaratkalin, now a deputy minister of national security, that the country’s 2-3 million illegal migrant workers represented a social problem and a threat that needed to be addressed, particularly in the province’s Mahachai district. He said he would be going to the area to inspect the situation at firsthand and seek a solution.

Apart from his government responsibilities, Gen Sonthi is chairman of Thailand’s National Foreign Workers Administrative Committee.

There is a pattern here.

Last week we learned that Thai agents are working to shut down pro-democracy news organizations operated by Burmese dissidents in exile. (The Irrawaddy, the source of this very report, is one of those groups that may be targeted by the Thai authorities). Since the brutal crackdown in September, Thailand appears to have placed a higher priority on supporting the Burmese junta in its crackdown than supporting the international community in its efforts to pressure the junta.