Saturday, June 27, 2009

What needs reform even more than health care?

Not only the mainstream media, but a lot of smart policy wonks have failed to address a paradox at the heart of the health care reform debate. For example, former Clinton Administration labor secretary Robert Reich blogs (hat-tip Krugman):
A new president -- even one as talented and well-motivated as Obama -- can't get a thing done in Washington unless the public is actively behind him. As FDR said in the reelection campaign of 1936 when a lady insisted that if she were to vote for him he must commit to a long list of objectives, "Maam, I want to do those things, but you must make me."
Reich makes a valid point, but puts the cart before the horse. The underlying problem is not lack of support for the health care bill. Rather, it's lack of knowledge.

Do Americans know what the proposals on the table actually are? How many Americans know that the purpose of H.R. 676 is "to provide for comprehensive health insurance coverage for all United States residents?" How many Americans can point to any of the intended benefits of H.R. 676? Few, I suspect, given that so much of what passes for health-care reporting amounts to interviewing uninformed people and then passing along their misconceptions without comment.

The US news media
bombards Americans with dollar figures, but provides no way for readers to put big numbers in context. "Senators claim $1 trillion bill in reach" reads one headline. Judging by this headline and so many others like it, you would think entire purpose of the health bill was to add a trillion dollars to the deficit! It's as if the United States has become a bubble-world inhabited by a people who can tell you the price of just about everything, the value of nothing.

But is there any data that backs-up such anecdotes?

Yes. But first, I will show you why the lack of public support for the Obama plan is a paradox.

When polled about what they really want in health care reform, the public seems to be clearly behind the main thrust of the Obama health reform bill. That is, Americans say they support the main principle that the Obama plan happens to embody. A recent CBS/NYT poll indicated that 72% of Americans support a "public insurance option." A NBC/WSJ poll (Pdf) indicated 76% of Americans considered it "somewhat important" or "very important" to give people a choice of a government-administered public plan.

But how many Americans know that HR-676 is a means by which the country could realize this ideal -- one they yearn for? Surprisingly few. Two recent polls have included questions that indicate just how little knowledge Americans have about the specifics of the health care reform legislation.

The first was the NBC/WSJ poll mentioned above. In the poll only one third of respondents said they thought the Obama health care plan was a "good idea." About as many thought it was "a bad idea." Concerning this poll, Sam Stein of the Huffington Post blogged,
In short: the administration has yet to complete the sale. An additional 30 percent of the public had no opinion of Obama's proposal for reform. But when read a description of the general outline . . . . the number of respondents in support rose to 55 percent.
The second poll, a Washington Post/ABC News survey of 18-21 June also revealed that Americans have low regard for Obama's health reform plan. When asked, "if the system is changed" will things get "better, worse, or remain the same," only 16% said things will get better; but 31% said things would get worse, and half said things would stay the same. Some other findings:
  • Over half of Americans report being "very concerned" that the Obama plan would have a negative impact on quality, personal cost, efficiency, and treatment options. In the dark about the plan, Americans are scared of... the dark.
  • Only 27% of Americans "strongly approve" of the way Obama is handling health care and another 26% "somewhat approve." Imagine that! The president wins the support of only a bare majority for taking decisive action on an issue that up to 76% of the population supports.
No wonder Americans are not marching in the streets in support of the Obama health care plan. They don't understand the proposal before Congress. They are clueless as to the gist of it. They are lacking in knowledge. One is reminded of polls taken in 2006 showing that many Americans still believed weapons of mass destruction had been found in Iraq.

The mainstream media has scarcely reported on this key paradox of the health care reform debate. One citizen who perceived what was happening months ago and tried to spread the word was Eliza Jane Dodd. Not having heard anything about the bill before, Dodd describes Americans she contacted as being "blown away" by HR 676, asking her "How can we get it!"

Who is responsible for this state of affairs? I contend that if the mainstream media covered this issue adequately, Obama's plan would likely have all the public support it needs. It looks as if news media reform might need to come before health care reform.

Friday, June 26, 2009

Should Europe get tough with Russia?

A wrong policy choice on Russia by the West can push Russia inexorably in the wrong direction.
- Brahma Chellaney
We need Western cooperation. We don't have the money to modernize Russia on our own. We can't rely on China.
- Anatoly Adamishin
Europe is sleepwalking to disaster on energy. Europe won't build the pipeline it needs and wants. Europe should treat Gazprom as it treats Microsoft -- it's far worse than Microsoft. Russia has to play by the rules. Russia must clean up financial system -- it's used and abused by the corrupt.
- Edward Lucas

What kind of bear is Russia? JOTMAN.COM recently traveled to Helsinki to answer that question. There we live-blogged an encounter between Anatoly Adamishin, former Russian ambassador to London, Economist correspondent for Europe Edward Lucas, and Indian foreign affairs expert Brahma Chellaney moderated by CNN's Jim Clancy. Recently, I asked Russian Jotman contributor Sanjuro, who comes from the Russian Far East, to share his reflections on to the discussion (this is Part 3).

Sanguro describes one strategy:
For EU, there is one (not the only one, I admit) relatively safe way of dealing with Russia. Maintain a tough negotiating stance in oil and gas dealings with Russian state corporations. EU has no other supplier, but Russia has no other buyer either. The EU can afford to cut down its energy consumption - Russia can't afford to have the payments deferred. The EU has ways to move to renewables and alternative oil and gas routes in the long-term future.

Russia is also negotiating with China about oil and gas pipelines, but is falling far behind its own schedules. And the Chinese are making it quite clear they are not going to pay as much as the Europeans do. Besides, there is always a dark card in stack - most of the ex-intelligence community have too much vested interests overseas to suddenly go Kim Chong-Il, and many of them if properly investigated, may turn liable under international criminal laws. There's no way they will risk their free travel and overseas villas.
This is the third part of a series featuring reactions to "What kind of bear is Russia" -- our live-blog of the 2009 IPI World Congress panel. Don't miss Part 1 "Could Putin's new goal for Russia be democracy?" and Part 2 "Does Russia sincerely hate the West?."

Michael Jackson, global citizen

Thursday, June 25, 2009

Could Putin's new goal for Russia be liberal democracy?

The big picture is that Russia is the world's wealthiest country in terms of its natural resources. And we don't know its future direction at the moment.
- Brahma Chellaney
Our neighbors shouldn't be afraid. The imperial project is too big; our people in the government too practical. Russia can't do business along with this (imperial) project.
- Anatoly Adamishin
Putin didn't just take television stations away from oligarchs; he gave them to his friends.
- Edward Lucas

JOTMAN.COM recently live-blogged an eventful encounter in Helsinki between Anatoly Adamishin, former Russian ambassador to London, Economist European correspondent Edward Lucas, and foreign affairs expert Brahma Chellaney moderated by CNN's Jim Clancy. We asked Siberian contributor Sanjuro to share his reaction to the live-blogged discussion.

Sanjuro views the situation facing Russia's leadership as quite dire:
Now it seems, Putin Medevedev and Co. do not really have a clue as to what to do next if the energy prices do not bounce back to $80/barrel level. I am even guessing they would be glad to trade a safe retirement with whatever candidate willing to take over from them. Not just because EU might actually suddenly become more resilient to the energy negotiation tactics. I am also guessing they have no clue what to do with China. Any comparison with China would expose the reality of Russia as "superpower" - it's something that neither Putin nor Medvedev cannot deny even to the Russians.
As for the future? Could Putin's exit strategy actually be liberal democracy?
All this, plus the miserable state of the Russian army demonstrated in the South Ossetia conflict and in dealing with the North Korean nuke scare, tell that after a couple more years of erratic external policy, deteriorating relations, and continued oppression at home, there will be mellowing and confusion within the current establishment, that will end in a more or less disorganized transfer of power to a more liberal, pro-Western leadership that will be tasked with all the plumbing at home and abroad, and will have its chief mission of negotiating a face-saving co-existence with the EU and China.

(I would currently give it 6-10 years. Medvedev's first term will continue mostly "business as usual" without much change, but his second (or Putin's third) term will be aimed at arranging that transfer - if they have any brains left. Apparently they have - I was wondering why would Medvedev want the presidential term extended to six years , but now I think they are probably just trying to buy time to fertilize the political landscape and to groom that Next-Gen leadership. The deal would be return to semblance of democracy in exchange for no prosecution).
This is the second part of a series featuring reactions to "What kind of bear is Russia" -- our live-blog of the 2009 IPI World Congress panel. Don't miss Part 1 "Could Putin's new goal for Russia be democracy?" and Part 3 "Should Europe get tough with Russia?"

Blogging climate change

In December 2009, climate change will top the global agenda as countries meet in Copenhagen to hash out a new agreement.

Look out for future jots about climate change and related issues at JOTMAN.COM and our new blog about the environment, JOTGREEN.COM.

In case you missed them, here Jotman's recent posts concerning the climate change crisis:

Wednesday, June 24, 2009

Does Russia sincerely hate the West?

At Davos Putin was approached by Gates or Jobs. Putin replied "go away."

- Edward Lucas

The West has been turning a blind eye to the effects of NATO enlargement [Jotman: see here and here]; the West ignored Russian opposition to Kosovo independence, making it awkward to oppose similar right of self-determination in South Ossetia.

-Brahma Chellaney
What kind of bear is Russia? JOTMAN.COM recently traveled to Helsinki to answer that question. Jotman live-blogged an encounter between former Russian ambassador Anatoly Adamishin, The Economist's European correspondent Edward Lucas, and Indian foreign affairs expert Brahma Chellaney, moderated by CNN's Jim Clancy.

The other day, we asked Russian Jotman contributor Sanjuro, who comes from the Russian Far East, to share his reflections on the discussion (this is part 1).
As I see it now, in hindsight, Russians had no problem with the West - whatsoever. Even the NATO bombings of Serbia did little to change the attitude. The energy policy wasn't never in the agenda. The rise of racism and xenophobia also had little to do with the external relations - it was largely a reaction to the increased migration from the former Soviet republics.

I am totally subjective in this very rough interpretation, but I believe that in 1999-2000 Putin and Co. saw some very tentative conditions to propel their candidate to power, and to keep him there. Anti-Americanism, anti-Westernism were not a commonplace attribute at the end of the Yeltsin's term, they were simply wiped up to create favorable conditions for Putin's two terms.

This was done skillfully, and/but in complete awareness of the Russian people inherent apoliticism. Because, quite frankly, most of the Russians will "believe" whatever they are told to believe, but in reality they will not give a damn about it. I am pretty sure, if Medvedev - or whoever - goes on TV tomorrow and says "Americans are our best friends and have always been", they will start waving US flags, not without a vague expectation of some benefit, but also without much mental involvement in the process.
This is the second part of a series featuring reactions to "What kind of bear is Russia" -- our live-blog of the 2009 IPI World Congress panel. Don't miss Part 2 "Could Putin's new goal for Russia be liberal democracy" and Part 3 "Should Europe get tough with Russia?"

Tuesday, June 23, 2009

Is the United States a democracy?

We are about to find out.

The NY Times reports:
The national telephone survey, which was conducted from June 12 to 16, found that 72 percent of those questioned supported a government-administered insurance plan — something like Medicare for those under 65 — that would compete for customers with private insurers. Twenty percent said they were opposed.
Let's see. . . . The Democrats control the presidency and the House of Representatives, have a filibuster-proof majority in the Senate, and they have 72 percent of the American public behind them on the issue.

If Obama cannot get Congressional Democrats to pass the kind of health care reform that Americans want, anyone can appreciate that Obama's authority is likely be greatly diminished -- for the duration of his (one-term) presidency.

There is a lot of talk in the US media about what a "tough fight" health system reform will be for Obama. I think this kind of talk is a load of hooey -- encouraged by the Democrats themselves.

Because Obama and the majority of Democrats in Congress have more than sufficient political capital to accomplish meaningful reform. They could ostracize, shame, or even threaten to suspend from their party members who try to block reform. And these members' careers would be finished. But it would never come to this, because if soft-spoken Obama carried this kind of big stick, recalcitrant Democrats would have "the excuse" they needed to fall in line with the party. No, talk about the "difficulty of reform" is just a way out should Obama and the Democrats choose to put coporate interests first.

But there is no way out.
__
Photo, by Jotman, shows a sign outside an ancient temple in Cambodia. Don't miss the follow-up to this post: What needs reform even more than health care?

Saturday, June 20, 2009

Crackdown against protesters in Tehran

A violent by crackdown against protesters in Iran is underway. By way of Twitter, there are reports that hundreds have been injured, gunfire has been heard, helicopters are dumping boiling or chemical-treated water onto protesters. Many embassies have opened their doors to accept the wounded for treatment. There are reports that people in the streets are chanting "Death to Khamenei" in response to the violence unleashed against them.

Earlier, a bomb exploded in a mosque that may have been the intended refuge for Mousavi who has told a crowd that he is ready to die. Reportedly, Mousavi has also called for a national strike if he is arrested.

More here.

Thursday, June 18, 2009

How the new media revolution threatens press freedom

Some Western democracies slipped in the Index. The United States fell more than 20 places, mainly because of ... judicial action that is undermining the privacy of journalistic sources... trying to force them to disclose their confidential sources. Canada also dropped several places due to decisions that weakened source confidentiality, turning some journalists into “court auxiliaries.” France also slipped, mainly because of court-ordered searches of media offices, interrogations of journalists and the introduction of new press offenses.
- RSF, 2005

A Finnish government working group on Wednesday proposed a number of increases police powers, including the right to force reporters to name sources during the preliminary investigation stage...

...The Finnish Union of Journalists slammed the proposal as a "brazen" attack on the media.

"The protection of sources is a cornerstone of a free media," Arto Nieminen, the chairman of the union, said in a statement.
- Helsinki Times, May 20, 2009

The draft law proposed by Italian Minister of Justice Angelino Alfano ... contains provisions that restrict journalists’ right to report on police investigations, and includes heavy punishments for breaching these restrictions.
IPI, June 15, 2009

I'm thinking about a particular incident. It concerned the closing address of the IPI World Congress which was given by the Tarja Halosen, the President of Finland. (Finland will shortly take over the presidency of the European Union: so despite the small size of her country, Halosen's opinions, priorities, and positions are of no small consequence to Europe and the world).

In her talk, the Finnish president cited some new media developments as cause for concern:
There is growing concern over the violent features of the material, links and chats distributed over the Internet. Some studies show that violence on the Internet is harsher, heavier and more brutal than on television – and viewers also perceive it as more real.
The president then turned to discuss the promise of an Internet that
....opens up possibilities for civil society globally and provides a means for empowerment. It can capture people’s minds and get them involved with social change, civic action, ad hoc mobilisations, cultural experiments, the sharing of information and so on. My dream is that this positive power of media could be used to make peoples’ life and the world better.
On one hand, new media has given rise to largely speculative fears that link extremely rare but iconic events -- school shootings, abductions -- to our familiar daily interactions with the online world. On the other hand, the whole discussion of new media has given rise to some wishful thinking. So on one hand we have the fears, and on the other, the Dream. These worries and hopes are the basis for new questions that people spend more and more time debating. Can anything be more important than what happens inside our own homes or the promise of a new technology?

I think so. What Finland's president said -- and what she did not say to members of the world press assembled in Helsinki -- provides a view into how the new media revolution may pose a threat to press freedom.

Whereas fears concerning the Internet tend to be personal, the risks these times pose to journalism itself concern power relations in a society that extend beyond the individual. Issues that are not so personal. For example, how laws relate to the process of gathering news. Maybe it appears as if technological change offers the illusion of an escape not only from the stodgy old institutions of traditional media, but those problems the institutions of our free societies have evolved to confront?

But if those problems have not gone away, we are probably focusing on all the wrong questions.

What are the right questions? Since the Enlightenment, it has been generally agreed that the most important questions concerning the press concern its relation to the state. The press is the only non-governmental institution mentioned in the United States Constitution. As the president of Finland noted in her address, the press has long been regarded as a Fourth Estate, distinct from other social institutions. In short, the press has rights -- a shorthand for saying the people have the right to a free press. For example, in free countries is is agreed that -- except for certain exceptional circumstances -- journalists should have the right to protect their sources.

I disagree with the Finnish president about the dangers. The big dangers have little to do with the more offensive forms of content available on the Internet. At the same time, the promise of the Internet to make a better society remains largely speculative.

This is a time of crisis. With news organizations disappearing, the industry in disarray, a situation has arisen in which field of journalism is simply preoccupied with survival; many of the the societal structures that customarily defend the press have been disrupted.

Perhaps not coincidentally, in recent years there have even been attempts made to curtail press freedoms in Western countries. There will always be people who fervently wish the news media would just go away. By and large, those who fit this description fall into two groups: One composed of people who have wealth or power and fear losing it. The other consists of people who believe they have the ultimate truth and that nobody should be allowed -- publicly at least -- to challenge their beliefs. We are at a unique moment in history when members of either group could, with relative ease, gain the upper hand in their efforts to strangle a free press. This is the great danger of our times.

As it happens, in Finland, as the IPI delegates met, legislation was being considered that appeared to be "motivated by a desire to protect the elite from media scrutiny"according to Arto Nieminen of the FUJ.

After her address to the press delegates, Tim, an officer of the International Press Institute stood up. Tim had thought to ask the president not about her new media fears and dreams, but a question related to the age-old threat to a free press. These are my jots, based on the exchange that followed:
Timothy Spence, IPI: Confidentiality of sources is considered a foundational value of press freedom. Do you support new legislation your government is preparing that would force reporters to name sources?

President Tarja Halosen: Those persons who might be interviewed should also have protection. I hope the government will find a good balance between the two things. Even if the court says there is no reason, in the minds of the people there might be still something wrong with the person. I think when the ideas of the freedom of the person .... lets try to balance them.
Surprisingly, especially considering the context of her appearance (the meeting of a press freedom group), the president did not seem to recognize the issue she was being asked about. Tim, a seasoned newspaper reporter, tried again.
Timothy Spence, IPI: I have a follow up... My question is more is aimed at what this would do to journalists? Are you concerned that this could force the courts to release their notes?

President Tarja Halosen: I think you have to take both sides. To also think about those whose names are mentioned. I think I'm not ready to answer in detail. I would refer you to my Minister of Justice. It's always a question of balance.
In confronting the challenges posed by the Internet, we imagine all kinds of bogymen. Such were the kinds of concerns the president had come prepared to address. Of course, the media itself has played a role in stirring up such fears. Citizens naturally fear for their children, and politicians believe responding to these concerns is a high priority.

But the age-old questions? It was as if the Finnish president had forgotten about those.

At a time when the traditional news media are in crisis, we should guard against allowing enthusiasm or fears about new media to obscure genuine threats to a free press. Press freedom organizations such as IPI, RSF, or CPJ are more necessary at this time than ever before. Certainly, the age-old questions they ask have never been more timely.

Jotman live-blogged the following panel discussions at the IPI World Congress:

Wednesday, June 17, 2009

My interview with AFP

While attending the International Press Institute conference in Helsinki I was interviewed by François Campredon of Agence France-Presse. Here is the interview (in French).

If your French is rusty, I made most of the same points as a panelist for a discussion on "new media and the press." You can read my live-blog of that discussion here.

Hat-tip: Eric

Iran protests: citizen journalism

THERELIVE has compiled links to citizen journalists' reports on the protests shaking Iran. The recent post includes a list of the YouTube channels you will want to keep an eye on. And you will find links to timelines, twitter feeds, and live-bloggers.

Tuesday, June 16, 2009

Thailand example a warning for Iran optimists

The parallels between Thailand and Iran are both more numerous and far deeper than many people would imagine. A post in Salon by Greenwald, who has urged readers to temper their hopes concerning Iran, got me thinking about this. Greenwald wrote:
Newsweek's long-time Middle East reporter Christopher Dickey persuasively warns against the emerging assumption that the anti-Ahmedinejad views expressed by middle class and cosmopolitan Iranians and promoted by the Western press are representative of a majority of Iranians. In Brazil, if you ask middle class, professional and/or educated Brazilians what they think of President Lula da Silva, you would conclude that he is an intensely despised figure, when -- in reality -- he is profoundly popular among a majority of Brazilians largely due to the deep support from that country's poor and under-educated population (much the same way that you'd get vastly disparate responses if, in 2004, you went to Manhattan and then to rural Kansas and solicited opinions of George Bush). Dickey suggests that the same dynamic exists in Iran.
If a visitor to Bangkok asked "middle-class, professional and/or educated" Thais what they think of deposed/convicted/exiled/fugitive Prime Minister Thaksin, of course, that visitor would likely conclude Thaksin was deeply unpopular. But he or she would be mistaken. Like Ahmedinejad, Thaksin seems to be loved throughout much of the countryside.

The comparison is very easily made. In fact, one can develop Iranian parallels with Thailand much further than one can carry any comparison between Iran and countries such as Brazil or the US.

The population and GDP of Thailand (62 million, $245 billion) and Iran (65 million, $295 billion) are strikingly similar. But it is the political similarities that are most intriguing. Both Thailand and Iran are "democracies" where considerable power -- many would say real power -- is vested in unelected, unaccountable bodies led by divinely-sanctioned heads of state. One might perceive certain similarities between the military-backed Iranian clerics and the military-royalist elite of Thailand. Iran has its "Revolutionary Guard," Thailand has its mysterious blue shirts.

Both Persians and Thais have experienced the censorship and self-censorship of websites and the press. In both countries you can end up in jail if you criticize the wrong people. Whereas Thailand has lese majeste (the crime of insulting the monarchy), Iran has Apostasy:
Apostasy convictions are meted out not only for openly renouncing the religion of one's birth, but also for criticizing clerical rule (as in the case of Aghajari), defaming Islam, conversion from Islam, attempting to lead others away from Islam, among other reasons.
Both systems have their innocent victims: On one hand you have persecuted writers like Giles Ji Ungpakorn or Harry Nicolaides. On the other you have Hashem Aghajari or Taghi Rahmani. If Iran is the worse offender, it seems to be a question not so much of principle as of degree.

Stepping back, it would be an interesting project to compare the way the courts have functioned in Thailand and Iran. For example, both countries have experimented with operating a separate system of justice for dealing with drug crimes. Whereas in 2004 Thailand carried out a policy of extrajudicial killings of drug traffickers, in Iran secret Islamic Revolutionary Courts have covered "all crimes involving smugglings and narcotic items."

Even in terms of current political tactics there are parallels between Bangkok in April and Tehran in June. Just as in April the royal palace chose not to intervene directly when protesters filled the streets of Bangkok and gunfire rang out, so far at least, Iran's top cleric refrains from saying much of anything publicly about the street demonstrations. Elites in both countries appear at times of crisis to rule through a political class that acts within a democratic arena, but is inherently expendable. Democratic systems, elites with veto power. By this arrangement, it may even be possible for the real power brokers to shed a once-favored political party as a snake sheds its skin.

How to interview terrorists and survive kidnapping

Jotman's live-blogging of the International Press Institute World Congress in Helsinki continues...

A truly extraordinary panel.

Three panelists -- Alan Johnston of the UK (pictured left), Giuliana Sgrena of Italy, and moderator Hamid Mir of Pakistan -- have survived kidnapping by terrorist organizations.

Two members of the panel -- Peter Bergen and Hamid Mir -- have interviewed Bin Laden. CNN analyst and author Peter Bergen -- who conducted the first TV interview with Bin Landen -- has written a biography of the man. Hamid Mir is the only person aside from Robert Fisk to have interviewed Bin Laden on three occasions and Mir was the last person to have interviewed Bin Laden (the interview took place in Kabul in Nov. 2001).

Two somewhat distinct themes emerged in the discussions. The first concerned how to survive captivity and how to avoid getting kidnapped in the first place -- whether through improved training or otherwise building greater journalist know-how. The second theme corresponded to the description of the panel session, set out in the conference agenda as follows: "Should journalists, who provide the public with the information they need to understand the complexities of the battle against terrorism, talk with terrorists? Do they do so at the risk of becoming pawns in the terrorists’ public relations campaigns? Where should journalists draw the line?"

Here's a list of the panelists:
  • Peter Bergen, Print and Television Journalist; Author; Terrorism Analyst, CNN (Wiki, Amazon)
  • Alan Johnston, Correspondent, BBC World Service (BBC bio, Wiki, Amazon)
  • Giuliana Sgrena, Journalist, Il Manifesto, Rome (Wiki)
  • Hamid Mir (Moderator), Executive Editor, Geo TV, Islamabad (Wiki)
Hamid Mir: Margaret Thatcher said, "Media is the oxygen for terrorism." Agree?

Peter Bergen: Yes, but publicity is oxygen for most things in life. We can't self-censor though. I believe the public has the intelligence to decide what is an appropriate tactic and what is not. So yes, terrorism gets coverage.

In the aftermath of 9/11 in the Muslim world demonstrations were not huge. Pro 9/11 demonstrators numbered just 30 thousand in Islamabad and another 30 thousand in Jakarta. Contrast these figures with anti Iraq-war demonstrations which were much larger -- hundreds of thousands demonstrated if not millions demonstrated (in these cities and elsewhere throughout the Muslim war in protest of the American invasion).

Hamid Mir: Your experiences as a captive?

Alan Johnston: Pleased to be here in Helsinki. I want to say thank you to IPI for their support while I was captive. In Gaza I spent time with the Army of Islam. Some good things came out: I suppose I got to learn more about myself in captivity. And I got to talk to people with an extremist or jihadi mindset. I spent time with men in the lower ranks; those people guarding me. Straightforward men. Men lost in their religion. Men who had failed, really, to understanding the best qualities of Islam: the compassion, kindness toward strangers, etc., that one encounters throughout the Muslim world. One of my guards only communicated in sign language, assuming that to talk to me might actually pollute him.

The leader of group was interesting. The first night of my kidnapping I was locked in this room when I heard a key turning in the door. A large figure in white robe appeared. It was as if he was looking to inspect what they had just caught. He began to ask questions of me. He asked me my religion. I said "Christian." Then he asked me if I am "a crusader like George Bush." Just as some in the West seem to regard all Arabs as terrorists, some Arabs regard all Westerner as Crusaders.

Giuliana Sgrena: In Italy we had discussions about the Red Brigade. We discussed about whether it is useful to publicize the documents they would feed to the media. The Italian media came to no consensus on this question.

We can give the information away, exert a certain control over the timing of a publication. Do we follow timing of the terrorist? We can postpone the transmission of a video so we don't follow the agenda of the terrorist. We can make choices about timing.

My kidnappers taped 2 videos. Some 400,000 demonstrated for my release. I didn't know what happened outside when I was kidnapped. My kidnappers told me of the photos all around the country -- about all the protesters supporting me. Football team players played a match wearing the word "Giuliana" on their jerseys. This impressed the kidnappers, who, fortunately, were supporters of Rome.

Hamid Mir: Giuliana and Alan had been rescued through negotiation. On the other hand, I was rescued when my building -- I was locked up in the basement -- got bombed and my guards were killed!

Bergen: (Commenting on the recent Bin Landen tape shown by Al Jazeera). These days, most terrorists groups release their tapes on the Internet. There are no intermediaries. It is quite unusual for Bin Laden to release an Al Quaeda tape to Al Jazeera.

Bin Laden talked about 1 million refugees coming out of Pakistan's Swat. Now there are 2.5 million refugees. So coincidental, or tape was held until newsworthy tape. No mention of Obama's trip to Cairo.

Is Al Jazeera a tool of Bin Laden? No. Their audience is smart. Also Al Jazeera makes news judgements. News judgements are not moral judgements, they are about news. News is not a moral category.

As for journalists, if we had information about an imminent attack, we would certainly tell the authorities.

[Jotman Comment: When I spoke to Peter Bergen afterwards he told me he has no reason to think Bin Laden is not still alive. He also believes the recent Bin Laden message is genuine. "Al Jazeera is no more likely to be fooled by a fake Bin Laden tape than CNN is to be fooled by a fake Obama tape," he said.]

Alan Johnston (photo): BBC used its publicity card in my case. They had no better options. But in other cases, you would not want to go this route. Sometimes there should be no publicity.

Audience member from Slovenia: When I was working for BBC in Northern Ireland in the 1970's, there were no instructions, my wife was just informed of the extra insurance policy!

Hamid Mir: There is a lack of proper training of journalists for covering wars in South Asia. But I am aware that CNN and BBC have such courses.

Alan Johnston: I had done BBC kidnapping training. I suppose it was about as helpful as any course could be. I must say it is hard to recreate the feeling of actually being kidnapped though! Unfortunately, many journalists get no such training.

Question: Should the media or government negotiate with terrorists?

Hamid Mir: This is job of governments in my opinion.

Giuliana Sgrena: I think that a human being more important than a lot of principles, so I think a government needs to do a lot of things to bring about the release of a captive. So I appreciate it very much if my government paid for my release. Other governments pay secretly or pay in other ways. Though they do not admit it -- officially.

Question: Hopefully it won't happen to anyone in this room. But do you have any advice for other journalists, should they get captured?

Alan Johnston: I had a radio. I heard Terry Waite interviewed, Terry Waite said to remember "mind and body are extraordinary things and you will find more strength than you might have expected." Ingrid Betancourt endured a much longer time in captivity. So of course did Primo Levi. People endure extraordinary things. First thing: you worry might lose your mind. But you have more strength than you might imagine in a crisis. You shouldn't despair.

Hamid Mir (photo): First, research and study the area. Don't be embedded with army or militants. This way you become a target. Hire a local translator/guide. Always be friendly with the locals who are the real victims of the problem. They provide you the true information. By contrast, the army or militants provide you with propaganda.

Punjabi journalist in the audience: Never lose your mental balance!

Question from Russia Today: Is kidnapping on the increase? How to counter the trend?

Hamid Mir: In Pakistan the media is being seen as the enemy. Because they think the media is against them.

Giuliana Sgrena: Don't embed yourself with the military.

Question from an Indian: Did captivity change your understanding about the group. Did you wonder if Stockholm Syndrome would impact you? Did it?

Alan Johnston: Having been there -- in Gaza -- for 3 years prior to capture, I absolutely condemned what was happening. I will say I was lucky I wasn't tortured. I am lucky I wasn't subjected to anything like Abu Ghraib. I will always be grateful for that. While I was in captivity, listening to the radio they gave me, I heard on the BBC a report about a British soldier (Cpl Donald Payne) who was found to have tortured an Iraqi receptionist (Baha Mousa). That sounded far worse than anything that was happening to me.

Nigerian asks question: Do you think your kidnappers did not know what they wanted?

Alan Johnston: Clearly they wanted prisoners released. But the mad politics of Gaza swung in my favor: Hamas won control of Gaza over Fata. So Hamas wasn't going to have a small jihad group operating on its turf. So they took over the situation. Events turned in my favor.

Peter Bergen: One way organizations -- terror organizations -- make money is through kidnapping.

Getting now to the subject of talking to terrorists... We did the first TV interview with Bin Laden. First time he spoke to Western audience. He declared war on US on CNN. In 1997. Prior to embassy bombings. It was useful for the public to know who this person was. Why he was at war with us.

But because Bush always said Bin Laden had attacked us because of "our freedoms" -- rather than our policy -- many Americans don't know the reason Bin Laden attacked us. Our interview was useful as warning and as an explanation.

Hamid Mir and others have put pointed questions to the terrorists. In an interview, you confront the terrorists.

Hamid Mir: I interviewed Bin Laden 3 times. I was not sure I would ever get back to my office safely. When you are confronting a big terrorist you must not become his tool. Ask tough questions. Encounter him. So if you are arrested, you can present your questions as evidence that you exposed him or proved him wrong. Conscience, professional ethics, need to be kept in mind. Examine how Bergen interacted with the terrorist. Or look at Jessica Stern -- she wrote a book (Talking with Terrorists) on the psychology of terrorism. Stern interviewed dozens of terrorists, wrote a good book. Don't become their tool. Serve society, not serve terrorism. [Jotman: here is an interview of Jessica Stern]

Peter Bergen (Explaining what got him interested in Bin Laden). Following the World Trade Center attack of 1993 I went to Afghanistan to look into that question. The first mention of Bin Laden came in 1996 in a book by Judith Miller. It struck me that these guys spoke English; how disciplined they were. I spent a lot of time preparing questions. I had to submit questions in advance. As it turned out, the questions Bin Laden would not answer were mostly personal: family and money. He answered the important ones (Jotman photo: Bergen).

Question: What is terrorism?

Giuliana Sgrena: (When civilians are used as means to an ends).

Question: Why do you think the Taliban are not terrorists?

Giuliana Sgrena: Dangerous ideology but can't put them all together. To say that Taliban = Pushtu = terrorist. That's not helpful.

Alan Johnston: Know the realities on the ground. Come up with a line of questioning that holds up to the light the arguments being made by both sides.

Hamid Mir: Generally, the Pakistani media are just concerned about avoiding civilian casualties.

Question from a Member of Parliament, India: The terrorists feel they are right. The focus of the media is not on the root causes.

Hamid Mir: Why is the media in the habit of bracketing terrorism with Islam?

Peter Bergen: Non-state actors that kill civilians are terrorists. That's an agreement we can come to. The killing at the abortion clinic was not described as "Christian terrorism" in the US media. I would point to the large number of those killed by the Islamic terrorist groups -- mostly targeting Muslims. It's something to do with Islam. It's a description of the fact that the people doing these activities believing they are doing it in the name of God. They say they are doing it to defend Islam.

Alan Johnston: In Gaza I tried to explain this and that. Mostly to explain what people are doing, and what they say they are doing something.

Peter Bergen: Terrorists have media strategies. These strategies have little to do with anyone in the room. They have a propaganda outfit. People in the room are being bypassed by direct online publication (by the terrorist groups themselves).

Question: We don't even know who is a civilian. Are settlers in Palestine civilians?

Question: How did you manage to meet Bin Laden three times when the whole world is looking for him?

Hamid Mir: Various intelligence services have interrogated me. The US ambassador to Islamabad said "you are safe only because we have a record of your hard questions." I was the only journalist left in Kabul. After my interview, the Taliban left the city. I got introduced (to Bin Laden) out of the madness (chaos). By the way, Robert Fisk has also interviewed Bin Laden three times.

Question: Maybe you should train the CIA since you can find him and they can't!

Hamid Mir: That's not our job to train them, it's their job to learn from us.

Jotman live-blogged the following panel discussions at the IPI World Congress:

Monday, June 15, 2009

Technology and innovation: Climate change Rx?

Jotman's live-blogging of the International Press Institute (IPI) World Congress in Helsinki continues...

I walked from my hotel to Finlandia Center -- the building where the Helsinki Accords of 1975 had been negotiated. It seemed a fitting venue for a high-level panel discussion of what is easily the most pressing and contentious international issue of 2009. Panelists at this morning session included the chairman of the world's largest oil company. According to Forbes, Royal Dutch Shell ranks as the world's second largest company overall-- after GE.

To my surprise, Shell chairman Jorma Ollila came across as far more
environmentally conscious than any number of US political leaders.

Moreover, I did not detect any spin. After the talk walked over and asked Ollila what was going on.

"Look, I may be chairman of an oil company," he told me, "but I'm also a citizen and a human being."

Of course, as chairman of Shell Ollila has had access to the leading scientists and all the data pertaining to climate change. Having examined the research for himself, Ollila came came across as deeply concerned. "Worried" might be a better word. I was struck by the conviction with which Ollila maintained that we have to act -- and act now.

Because based on what the panel told us, time is not on our side. There has been a lot of optimism -- especially in the US about the possibility of solving the climate change crisis with technology. Today's panel discussion focused on how this can be made to happen; on how technology can make for a green future. But the panelists explained why this process will invariably take time. More time, in fact, than most people with a technology background who think about the problem tend to realize at first. Longer, for example, than someone like Ollila had assumed when he first arrived at Shell. Ollila, it so happens, came to Shell from the telecom industry, where innovation happens in the blink of an eye. Today Ollila serves not only as chairman of Shell, but also heads Nokia. It's a clearly a testimony to the perceived importance of technology to the energy industry that Shell brought a former Nokia executive to the helm. Speaking with Ollila after the presentation he told me, "Shell has long been the most technologically-driven of the big oil companies." He added, "Shell invests 50% more in renewable technologies than any other big oil company."

Listening to the discussion, it became apparent to me that Ollila is uniquely positioned at a critical time. It was well worth listening to what the Shell chairman and his fellow panelists had to say in Helsinki.

The panel line-up:

Charles Kolstad, Professor of Environmental Economics and Policy, Donald Bren School of Environmental Science and Management, University of California, Santa Barbara, CA
Jorma Ollila, Chairman of Nokia; Chairman of Royal Dutch Shell
Ali Sayigh, Director-General, World Renewable Energy Network (WREN), Brighton, UK
Curtis Brainard (Moderator), Editor, The Observatory, Columbia Journalism Review, Columbia University, New York
I entered the conference room just as Ali Sayigh, head of the World Renewable Energy Network, was finishing up his talk.

"Even in small area of Sahara, there is enough wind energy to power the whole world," he was saying.

Jorma Ollila, Chairman of Nokia and Royal Dutch Shell, was next to speak.

Jorma Ollila: I will address the question as to whether it is possible to decarbonize in a viable way.

I will assume technological innovations can be successful. Let's assume that is the case. I'm clearly not wanting to minimize the vast challenges that lie ahead. In fact, the more daunting challenge is to manage how we produce energy and allow a raise in living standards.

Developed economies have used up the atmosphere's capacity to absorb CO2; now developing countries are entering a phase where their need for energy is becoming intensive.

Let's acknowledge three truths:
  1. The demand for energy will continue to surge.
  2. Energy supply will struggle to keep pace.
  3. There will be increasing climate stress based on the current consumption pattern.
We need to obtain as much energy as possible from renewable sources -- and more. We need to strive toward fewer emissions in a "business as usual" pattern. Business-as-usual means that emissions would double by 2050. But in reality we can't continue to consume more than the current level. An 80 percent reduction from current levels is a reasonable goal. Thus, these two alternatives lie ahead. One is socially and morally unacceptable.

Therefore, policies and incentives must be put forward so we get it right.

Firstly, we need a cap and trade system that a puts a cost on emissions, that credibly commits us to a path of energy reductions by creating incentives to cut emissions.

Second, we need government support for changes. Government support is critical over the course of next decade -- to deploy by 2020s. We have it in the lab, we do not have commercial projects. This process is not viable without the right kind of government support.

Looking at the Obama government's actions, related to the stimulus package: I see significant and commendable R&D support. Europe took some significant decision earlier this spring -- the US will go there too I understand.

The points are mutually reinforcing, not exclusive. Emissions caps will become more popular as costs get reduced of meeting caps.

In addition to policy angle, there is a geopolitical angle: significant change with regards to emerging markets. Advanced economies must lead by example. This will necessitate resource transfers from developing to emerging markets. But transfers from govt to govt are problematic. Consider the position of a US political leader who proposed such a transfer. He would face political problems.

Cap and trade is a politically feasible way to make the transfers. CDM is a license to do arbitrage -- create opportunities between developed and developing economies. [Jotman: Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) "is an arrangement under the Kyoto Protocol allowing industrialised countries to invest in projects that reduce emissions in developing countries as an alternative to more expensive emission reductions in their own countries."] HFC reduction projects, for example. [Jotman: "by destroying the HFCs factories can earn carbon credits"]

Pace of change is limited by the trillions of dollars tied up in US capital investments. For example, a car lasts 20 years. A power plants last 40 years. To speed up the pace of change would mean premature scrapping of capital investments. In the recent Shell Energy Scenarios, that is. [Jotman: presumably, by scrapping investments prematurely you waste a certain amount of energy].

Blueprints: The projected climate outcome would require stabilization at 650ppm in the second half of century. Renewable energy would consist of about 60% of energy. CCS on all new power plants 2020 (West) and elsewhere (2030). That's based on Shell and MIT modeling. Clearly we need this kind of scenario at a minimum. We need better, but we face severe constraints.

Hence the need to increase pace of policy reform.

Charles Kolstad, UC Santa Barbara: How to de-carbonize world's economy? What does that mean to average citizen? This is the real story; an untold story. How we might actually do it as a world and as individuals. People assume we need only regulation and Bingo! -- down goes emissions. [Prof. Kolstad's full presentation is available as a PdF file].

After some debate, with regards to the problem of acid rain, the technology got implemented, and nobody noticed the price. Just a slight electricity increase. In the grand scheme of things the cost paled in comparison other events such as the housing crisis, etc.

With carbon.... new technologies will emerge. Also behavioral changes by individuals will be required. Proponents have argued its straightforward if we have the mind to do it. Make carbon expensive, and unleash creativity. On the other hand, skeptics say we will take a "hit" on our quality of life.

To say where the truth lies, we need clear investigative journalism.

Major legislation -- an economic experiment -- is before the US Congress... We have been trying to reign in energy consumption since 1973. This panel discussion could have been taken place in 1979!

How to transform major economies? What would it look like to citizens? Look at countries who have (chart). High density use less, low density more.


Progress (chart). Consensus of economics literature is that it is doable at not too much cost to people -- though few economists study this.


California emissions by sector (chart).


Half of emissions from industry (chart). Half under personal control. Buying China made good or paying taxes leads to building more stuff that makes emissions.

Key to make selfish virtue part of decision-making. Direct regulation efficiency standards. Prevent leakage.

Look for:
  • A more electricity intensive from carbon free sources, will happen over 20-30 years.
  • Lighting changes. LED use will reduce electricity by factor of 10-20.
  • What to do about existing lighting in housing.
  • People are choosing lighter/smaller vehicles.
Allow me to close with the old "frog in water story" in which the frog is slowly brought to boil, but told differently (positively). If we slowly increase the pressure to reduce carbon, we will find ourselves in new world and not even miss old world.

Being speedy and in a hurry will increase costs. Don't prematurely phase-out infrastructure. [Jotman: I guess because it costs so much energy to produce the new infrastructure.... I suppose that's the calculation].

Economists: will not be cheap or easy; but doable, and considering magnitude of the risks, justified.

Moderator: To what extent do we have the options we need?

Ali Sayigh: I disagree with my colleague from Shell that we can wait until 2050. Look at how we have increased oil production. In 1991 Beijing was 90 percent bicycles. Time is not on our side. You have to design your home to be viable and efficient to reduce CO2 emission. I think we don't have time to wait. The technology is available. We have responsibility to our children and grandchildren to take the necessary action today.

Moreover, CDM is not a solution! It is a cheating way to allow more CO2 in the atmosphere. A better way is to set up the power station in developing country, and allow them to export the energy to a neighbor.

Jorma Ollila: No disagreement. Timeline spot on. Where are we with respect to technology?

We all agree we have the need to invest in renewable technologies. But look at what is happening this year with respect to investment in energy. According to the International Energy Agency (IEA) investment in alternative energy is down by 20 percent! Because of our other capacity. This year investment in renewable technologies is down by 40 percent compared to last year. Some mature technologies are about to be commercialized. Why down? Oil prices collapsed, so viability based on return of investment is different this year.

That's why we need public policy in order to get investment into renewables. Its a complex bind. I'm impressed with what US Energy Secretary Chu and President Obama have said with respect to their aims in terms of the stimulus package.

So where are we? With respect to biofuels? Wind? Solar? When will they be significant?

Today 80 percent of energy is carbon-based. (And if all goes as planned) we will only be down to 70-75 percent by 2030. However, by 2050 renewable would account for much more -- the renewables really kick in around then.

Charles Kolstad: Price of carbon will have an impact. Without a price of carbon it's hard to get behavior change. In terms of R&D, we have not been successful in many areas. Compact florescent light bulb is most effective success of the past 30 yrs. Govt R&D succeeds best when the horizon is far away. When it comes to consumer technologies evidence isn't there (that governments can drive innovation).

Question: What's the mass media's carbon footprint?

Charles Kolstad: Electric paper is one innovation we can look toward...

Question from Nigerian: Look at what is happening in developing countries, a lot problems in terms of production processes in developing countries. Poverty: we see a link between poverty and climate change. The "hack wood" problem. Desertification.

Ali Sayigh: We are not against oil. Nigeria has sun. Nigeria, therefore, can supply energy to whole world, even without oil. Take Abu Dabi, richest place in the world, they are building up a solar city. China is also building a solar city.

Charles Kolstad: Many impacts of climate change are not projected to happen in the West. There is a need to manage these. Developing countries must not have to bear the burden of cleaning up emissions. We will all need to cooperate, but the West needs to bear the burden in a substantial way, in engaging those countries.

Question from Simon Lee of Los Angeles: The Nokia/Shell gentleman is talking about success by 2050. Forty years! Now, if we look back forty years, observe how technology has changed our lives in portions of that period, say the last 20 years. Why in this matter do we project such slow technological change? First mobile phones cost $$$$, now same mobile phone costs $ -- for tiny phones! What is it about this kind of R&D that makes it so much slower; why must it take so much longer with respect to the energy sector?

Jorma Ollila: I asked this myself when I entered Shell from Nokia. It took a while. You have Moore's law in effect in telecom. When that exponentially kicks in you can do wonders with the products. But the energy laws of thermodynamics limit what you can do in this other area. Nobody can figure out how to get around these. Mr. Chu (scientist who is new US energy secretary) can do a good job, but he hasn't been able to go around these laws.

Bill Gates was saying to me that it's not a problem; that the sun radiates 18,000 times more energy than what we consume. But we can't figure out how to do it cheaply. Bill Gates became interested. So are many others. The Google founders are funding venture work in renewable energy. It's an intriguing problem for them.

How to scale renewables to satisfy energy needs?

Ali Sayigh: Oil industries invest to make profit. Don't say "change the system." We have to educate everybody. We need legislation to speed up a change in lifestyle. And so the media has a key role to play.

Hindu Newspaper Editor: If you were to put a figure on costs, in terms of GDP how much will it cost to put a cap on emissions? How is the burden to be shared globally?

Charles Kolstad: The cost estimate is one percent of GDP -- around that. The Stern Review has figures as high as 7 or 8 percent in extreme case of costs being higher than expected. Look at the Ozone Treaty on CFCs: any extra costs were to be paid for by developed world. Such an approach seems more than reasonable. CFCs have become more targeted; carbon pervasive, of course. I suspect that the developed world, in any agreement, will agree to absorb much if not all of costs.

Question: There is talk about the "green paradox." [Jotman: The "green paradox" says that "policies of lowering carbon demand may aggravate rather than alleviate climate change"] Some areas using more energy, even as others use less. Do we need new taxation or market system to make greenhouse gas reduction more effective? [Jotman: i.e. should there be a carbon tax?]

Charles Kolstad: The green paradox, tax-wise, is that if you tax, producers could reduce the price of oil. Cap and trade gives you insurance on such price reductions by producers.

Jorma Ollila: In a perfect world, "cap and trade" and tax amount to the same thing. The question is, which system addresses the real world better? Industry prefers a cap and trade system to tax for two reasons. First, for SO2 reduction you can buy SO2 certificates. It works well. (Though implementation so far it has been confined and small). The system that was first implemented in Europe proved to have been too liberal in allocating certificates. Some "stupid Euro system" talk resulted in the US media. Second, the only problem with tax is that it is hard to do politically.

Ali Sayigh: A reward system is preferable than tax or punishment. Politicians can't be counted on, we need the media to educate the public.

Nigerian asks question: Nothing was said by the chairman of Shell about the problem in Nigeria caused by Shell!

Jorma Ollila: I had thought the poverty issue had been well-addressed by my colleagues. The link between climate change and poverty is well known. In terms of an industrial company's footprint, during past decade, starting year in the 2000, all major corporations are taking this issue seriously. Their track record (needs to be more) transparent. Confirmed by independent bodies. Industry track record... More needs to be done at my company.

Concerning Nigeria. The gas flaring. Nigeria is the only country of more than a dozen in which Shell is operating where gas flaring is happening. For two reasons. First, funding. Second, security. Major areas where it is not possible to work and address some issues need to be addressed. The majority of those properties are owned by the national Nigerian oil company, and they have not been willing to do so. Shell is a minority shareholder -- 30 percent. We want the flaring stopped. It's expensive to stop the flaring. It requires an investment of billions. So the trade off is different.



And so concluded the panel discussion -- a discussion not about whether to do something, but how to do it. The big questions seemed to revolve less around economics or science but largely come down to a question of political resolve, and getting the policies right for timely action.



Jotman live-blogged the following panel discussions at the IPI World Congress:


Asia's future: Capitalism sans freedom?

Jotman's live-blogging the International Press Institute (IPI) World Congress in Helsinki continues...

This panel and its agenda:

Can Economies Survive without Free Media?
Critics of the "Asian Values" propounded in the 1990s argued that they were a mere a justification by authoritarian regimes to suppress universal human rights. Yet the economies of such countries as Singapore and, in particular, China have continued to thrive without democratic reform. Will they now need a free media to help overcome the drag of the global financial crisis, corruption, and such problems as China's unsafe products?
  • Yuen-Ying Chan, Director, Journalism and Media Studies Centre, University of Hong Kong
  • Anthony Milner, professor of history, ANU
  • Xiao Qiang, Founder, China Digital Times; Director, China Internet Project, Graduate School of Journalism, UC Berkeley
  • Matt Steinglass (Moderator), Correspondent, DPA (German News Agency), Hanoi

Matt Steinglass, the moderator, questioned the media's ability to cover corruption, given the strict government restrictions on covering politics in Vietnam.

Yuen-Ying Chan, Director, Journalism and Media Studies Centre, the University of Hong Kong says media in China is neither free nor unfree. Fortunately, due to the Internet, there is space for dialogue.

The Internet is growing fast, with almost 300 million Internet users in China. Ninety percent on broadband. One third on mobile platforms.

Mobile phones are used to post photos. In Feb. there was a fire in the TVCC tower in Beijing. Within 30 minutes the picture of this 30 story building burning had been posted on the Internet. Although state broadcaster CCTV had an office close to the fire, the Internet led coverage of the fire. A story went in an online magazine, but got reposted elsewhere.

There are many examples of officials being forced on the defensive, to defend themselves against stories published on the Internet.

Xiao Qiang of UC Berekely showed a slide (next image). Shows that bloggers and online bulletin boards have the power to reconfigure the media and political landscape. These people are the frontline facing the state apparatus. This is where the most interesting things are happening. Issues of importance to the people first get raised on the blogs.


Showed us a confidential document from the propaganda department. Explaining what can be reported. What they say is conformed to by the official media.

Projected a graph (next image) showing how more and more frequently things raised on blogs reach up to become part of the national discourse and national consensus.

One blogger posted a list of names of children killed in a school collapse. Before long this information becomes part of the policy debate at the highest levels of state.


Look how search terms "free speech" "censorship" grow quickly (right image). Citizen, democracy, system reform search terms also growing – use of these words – increasing faster than growth of users on the Internet. Even taking new users into account, growth in frequency of these search terms is fast.


Also, the number of Chinese websites mentioning "democracy" has grown. Again this growth exceeds the pace of growth of the Internet (left image).



So what? What does this mean?



It means that momentum towards press freedom is facilitated by the Internet.



But society is still totalitarian: the vested interest of Party is not aligned with public as in a democracy.

Consider history. Consider that twenty years ago, in 1989 when the Tienanmen massacre happened, and the collapse of USSR followed, all these China watchers were saying that the Chinese regime's days were numbered. Now we all know China has had a successful totalitarian regime -- for which -- due to financial crisis, the West now turns to as a partner (in maintaining the global system).



I leave you with this question: How do we know, what makes us so sure that this time around -- with everyone assuming the regime will continue -- that the experts have China right?

Anthony Milner, professor of history at the Australian National University suggested that "the current global crisis is unlikely to demonstrate the particular economic strength of democracies." Looking to the future, he sounded some cautionary notes based on the track record of some Asian countries:

  • Philippines and Indonesia are more democratic, but not prosperous. Singapore ranks high as non-corrupt country, near Finland. Malaysia, China have more corruption. Thailand too. Indonesia, despite relaxation of media controls, has a lot of corruption.
  • Need to look to 97-98. Geopolitical consequence of the earlier crisis. Singapore and Malaysia -- nations with little freedom -- handled crisis relatively well.
  • Today's financial crisis looks like a "democratic" recession. Asia looks to be coming out of the crisis today.
  • Militarily, in terms of power balance, crisis seems destined to have an adverse impact on West. What of values struggle?
  • China may face values contest within Asia.
  • Bottom line: the old liberal agenda -- including freedom of the press -- is likely to face serious resistance in the future.

Yuen-Ying Chan says private ownership of the media has been undermined. It is not working. It has collapsed.

"The blogs are where people speak there mind in China. It's not what people say to a camera on the street."

Matt Steinglass: (In Vietnam) I don't see big corruption stories picked up by bloggers on the Internet, I see them picked up by professional reporters.

Nationalism may be playing an increasing role (in stirring up interest in corruption stories). For example, there was the story of Thaksin's sale of his telecom firm to Singapore. Seemed to be a case where nationalism is a new factor in media narratives. A trend perhaps.

Xiao Qiang: There is the need to legitimize party. One way is through performance; another is through a new nationalist narrative. So they are trying to construct a narrative of Chinese nationalism. There seems to be no intellectually coherent value behind Chinese nationalism. Are we witnessing a nationalism "bubble" in China? Perhaps. Maybe we are overestimating the importance of nationalism.

Yuen-Ying Chan: Young Chinese are not so brainwashed....

Question from Dave Underhill of Global Post: What gets through from West? What do you see as the role or potential of new media in the West impacting what happens in China?

Xiao Qiang: In China, if you have the incentive, then you can get around the censorship. There is more and more censorship more all the time. The people who know how to circumvent the censors are those with enough curiosity and incentive to do so. These people tend to be the opinion leaders in China, who then, in turn, put this information into circulation in the Chinese domestic discourse.

The important point is that the intended audience of the Western media is different. It's not the Chinese. That's one reason the Tibetan issue generated controversy. The background knowledge on the issue is different. The underlying perspective is different. If you want the Western media to have an impact on China, you have to know how the audience in China. You would need to take the Chinese audience into consideration in the reporting of the story. I don't think that's on the agenda of the Western media today.

Yuen-Ying Chan: I would caution: don't write off the Chinese state media either, or the official media. I would like to see some representatives from the Chinese media in future (media freedom related) conferences (such as this one). I think they could contribute and learn from future gatherings.

Xiao Qiang: We should not over-estimate the power of the Western media when it comes to China. The official Chinese media have real advantages. They have 1) access Westerners won't get, 2) real understanding, and 3) experience. The best scenario is everyone working in context, together, using each other's strengths to get China right.

Anthony Milner: As for Southeast Asia – nationalism is making a (critical) space. You have to deal with Islamic ideas in careful terms; but this can open up space too.

Matt Steinglass: True these (critical) spaces -- i.e. Islam in Indonesia -- (theoretically at least) seem to allow people to make claims that may be critical of their governments.

Often in Vietnam, there will be a designated spokesperson liaison for media, but that person can never be found. Maybe there is a generation gap... It often seems to me as if old people in Vietnam need approval to speak, whereas the young will say what they think.

Xiao Qiang: Because there is control, therefore online discourse tends not to be explicit...

Question (Netherlands): One lesson i pick up from here is that we need to converge the frame of mind of a countryman, and of the international press. In terms of Africa, it seems to me the Internet could play a role. To what extent could converging the news rooms of the West and Asia come to contribute to the media in Africa?

Yuen-Ying Chan: The bottom line is that people want to express themselves and don't want to be lied to. I would point to this basic commonality of values. In spite of the tight control of the party, the country has a robust IT infrastructure, allowing citizen journalism to develop. These citizen journals will push the ideas of openness. It means that building the enabling structure of IT infrastructure has to be on the development agenda.

Anthony Milner: The convergence question. I think there are problems with that. There is the style question; the recognition of local styles question. A grabbing back into past to seek dignity. A bad century or two (of colonialism) leads to this looking back. How one couches arguments about the media seems to me very important indeed. "Digging back" is important in this region.

Question (World Press Freedom representative): We tried inviting Chinese official representatives to our conference. But they (basically sent people to spy) on the attendees of our conference. And we later had incidents of hacking against the sites of people who were at the conference. So dialogue is one thing, but it is not so easy as it sounds.

Yuen-Ying Chan: There are different types of groups that you can reach out to. I appreciate the difficulties. They will have to make decisions. They need to work, they need to adapt international standards.

Xiao Qiang: Southern Media Group is the one of the most progressive news media organizations in China. Under the relatively autonomous government of the southern province that has politicians who support it (and so it is not subject to direct central government oversight).



Jotman live-blogged the following panel discussions at the IPI World Congress: